The Sunni Majlis al Shura (Consultative Council)

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The Sunni Majlis al Shura (Consultative Council)

 

Finally, after all hope was lost from the various attempts we have generally mentioned, a group of thinkers and opinion leaders from the Ahlus Sunnah gathered in Tehran at the beginning of spring this year, invited by the Ustadh^[1] to form a council. Mawlawi ‘Abdul ‘Aziz assisted the Ustadh in preparing for it and facilitating its proceedings to a limited extent. After two days of discussion and deliberation on the issues of the Ahlus Sunnah and how to establish the council and entrust it with defending their rights, a number of attendees were elected as members of the council. It was named as previously suggested by the Ustadh: Shura Markazi Sunnat, and it was referred to by the acronym “SHAMS”, formed from the first letters of the three words, as indicated by the Ustadh.

 

Principles of the Council

The summary of the views of the attendees resulted in sixteen articles that were organised and determined as principles from which the council would operate and strive to implement. We will present them to you, Allah willing.

However, as soon as the news spread, the authorities, led by the leader of the revolution, rushed to launch attacks against it, spreading poisonous propaganda around it, accusing it of being an American-backed agent, among other things. They stood in its way, placing obstacles before it, and continue to do so with all their might, attempting to cover up the truth about it. The authorities knew that if this council were to be established properly, it would hinder their efforts to achieve their ominous goals and thwart their hopes, Allah willing.

Let us now review the articles that were approved:

1. Striving for the revival and unity of the Muslim Ummah and the removal of all signs of division.

Before I mention the second article, I believe it is necessary to mention Article Twelve of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and place it alongside this article, leaving it to our brothers to judge between them and determine which one is truly American?^[2]

 

The official religion of Iran is Islam, and the Twelver Jafari school of thought is the official doctrine. This article stands as permanently unchangeable. Other Islamic schools of thought, whether Hanafi, Shafi’i, Maliki, Hanbali, or Zaidi, are fully respected, and their followers are free to perform their religious rituals according to their jurisprudence. These schools enjoy official status in religious education, personal status law (marriage, divorce, inheritance, and wills), and related legal proceedings in courts. In any region where followers of one of these schools form a majority, local regulations in that region shall be in accordance with that school within the jurisdiction of local councils, while preserving the rights of followers of other schools.

 

And let us also recall Article Thirteen so that we can see with our own eyes how the Ahlus Sunnah have been treated in the constitution, just as Jews and others have been treated, except that there is a difference in implementation: what was written for the Ahlus Sunnah does not go beyond paper. The article reads as follows:

 

Zoroastrians, Jews, and Christians are the only recognised religious minorities who enjoy freedom in performing their religious rituals and acting according to their principles in personal status matters and religious teachings.

 

2. Striving for the unification and organisation of the forces and capabilities of the Ahlus Sunnah in Iran as one of the necessary steps toward achieving Islamic unity.

3. Establishing subordinate local councils under the central council in all Sunni regions, composed of individuals with authority, to serve as means for connecting people with the central council.

4. Continuous and serious effort to remove sectarian, ethnic, and class injustices in all of Iran regarding the Ahlus Sunnah. This is to be achieved through the reform of many constitutional articles, especially Article Twelve. (The class injustices referred to here involve the vast disparity between wealthy areas, such as some Shia Persian regions, and impoverished areas, which are almost entirely Sunni regions.)

5. Striving to establish a Masjid and centre in Tehran for gatherings and performing religious services such as Friday prayers, congregational prayers, and delivering sermons. It is worth mentioning here that to implement this article, the council, shortly after its formation, requested from the ruling authorities—including Khomeini himself—a piece of land for this purpose, but they have not taken any action until now.

6. Striving to establish and strengthen religious schools in all Sunni regions and pave the way for training sessions for teachers of religious teachings in official schools.

7. Establishment of various associations composed of individuals with faith, awareness, and a sense of responsibility for preaching in all Sunni regions.

8. Appointment of a competent group to write religious teachings for official schools in all Sunni regions.

9. Striving to facilitate the publication of a magazine that reflects the objectives and hopes of the Ahlus Sunnah on an ongoing basis.

10. Working to close the door to the institutionalised cursing of great Islamic figures, and having this enshrined in the constitution.^[3]

11. The aim is to allocate hours from daily radio and television programs for the propagation of the Ahlus Sunnah’s teachings under the supervision of the council.

12. Appointment of Friday Imams and Shari’ah judges in all Sunni regions with the consent of the people and support from the council.

13. Striving to organise the financial resources of the Ahlus Sunnah and invest them in production to achieve self-sufficiency in service of Islam, following its principles in the path of progress.

14. Striving to establish a link between the Ahlus Sunnah in Iran and other Muslims in Iran and around the world, to strengthen the foundations of Islamic unity and brotherhood and especially to benefit from the support of those who are willing to assist in the work program of the Central Council of Sunnis.^[4]

15. Facilitating the dispatch of individuals with potential to Islamic centres around the world to learn Islamic knowledge and sciences.^[5]

16. Based on the proposal and support of all attendees at the meeting, decisions by the Central Council of Sunnis should be made under the supervision of Sheikh Moftizadeh and Mawlawi ‘Abdul ‘Aziz, leaders of the Ahlus Sunnah in Iran and founders of the Central Council, and with ratification by the Council.

Now, we call upon every person of reason and fairness to examine these articles and tell us their honest opinion on whether any of these articles contradict the principles of Islam or if these articles serve American plots. Otherwise, let the rulers of Iran know that this false statement only exposes themselves, and as Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala says:

 

وَمَن يَكۡسِبۡ خَطِيٓـَٔةً أَوۡ إِثۡمٗا ثُمَّ يَرۡمِ بِهِۦ بَرِيٓـٔٗا فَقَدِ ٱحۡتَمَلَ بُهۡتَٰنٗا وَإِثۡمٗا مُّبِينٗا

And whoever commits an evil or sinful deed then blames it on an innocent person, they will definitely bear the guilt of slander and blatant sin.^[6]

 

If these articles are indeed American—as they claim—then what indeed is the state of their ill-fated constitution, which was put in place only to tear apart the ranks of Muslims who were united by the Islamic Revolution?^[7] Or do these esteemed persons fear that a servant of Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala will speak ill of their evil deeds, so they rush to pin their own faults on someone far removed from them, just as they are far from the truth? It is worth noting that after the authorities attempted to cover up the truth and spread propaganda about the council, the Council of the Ahlus Sunnah issued a statement challenging the authorities to allow a meeting between its representatives and some members of the Council to discuss the issue publicly and on television, so that the wicked could be distinguished from the righteous, and people could learn who the truthful and the liars are. However, those fearful of exposure turned a blind eye and deaf ear and did not move a finger.

As for the accusations and obstacles placed in the way of the Council, they continue unabated as long as they feel that nothing stands in their way and no power within Iran can prevent them from achieving their desires except this Council. And if this Council is eliminated, they believe they can calmly complete what the Safavids failed to accomplish before them. Therefore, we beseech Almighty Allah and ask Him to awaken in the hearts of Muslims around the world the same degree of concern for brotherhood and unity that we have.^[8] They use every means and method to put pressure on those who lead the controlled system to change their course and steer them according to their desires. And truly Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala has power over all things.

 

Khomeini’s Stance on the Council

Eleven days after convening the meeting regarding the formation of the “Central Council for Sunnis” (al Shura al Markaziyyah li al Sunnah), the leader of the Revolution, Khomeini, delivered remarks during a gathering with some visitors from the city of Kargan and others. In his speech, he attacked the Council and the participants of the meeting—particularly Ustadh Moftizadeh—in a manner that could not emanate from a heart (if there were a heart) containing even an atom’s weight of fear of Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala. He stated:

 

There are conspiracies within Iran that we must either eliminate or pay no attention to. They hold meetings under the pretext of the issue of Shi’ism and Sunnism, inciting discord between brothers. Just as those linked to the great American power have raised this issue to serve America’s interests, and then Russia’s interests, here too, a group of heedless individuals following in their footsteps have taken the same path. They are unaware that if these great powers return, they will leave neither Islam, nor the Sunnis, nor the Shia. If these powers return—Allah forbid—they will eradicate Islam from its foundation, even though it is Islam that has united the brothers. Let the brothers who are stirring up discord take heed: if they are linked to America and Russia, perhaps they will not accept advice. But if they are not, yet they wish to work for the sake of Islam in this Islamic country, let them know that the path to this is not by inciting discord, but by establishing reconciliation between the sects. Let them preserve this harmony and unity among all strata. [How far removed is the speaker from reality? — Translator]

We can elevate this country to the lofty aims of Islam under the banner of security and unity. Through this, we may save the oppressed from the injustices they have suffered throughout history. If there is no security, there will be no agriculture, no industry, and no capacity to work for the benefit of the oppressed. Do you not see that when they incited strife in Kurdistan and Khuzestan in the name of Islam, the state has until now been unable to carry out any positive, tangible work there, because there is no security, and the conditions are uncooperative? How can agriculture thrive when crops are burned? How can industry endure when workers are called to strike and engage in inhumane acts?

O my brothers! O Ahl al Tasannun (people of Sunnism) and O Ahl al Tashayyu’ (people of Shi’ism), know that the foundations of corruption have departed and are departing now. They seek to incite strife among you under various pretexts, so that they may profit. Today, in various regions, there are those who wish to cast this country into the jaws of America and Russia. In your regions, in the north, and even in Tehran itself, they hold meetings. In Tehran itself, they have raised their heads, occupied with devilishness. The records of some of this deviant faction lie with the authorities. O you people! What harm has safety and security caused you?^[9] What harm has Islam, the Islamic Republic, and the Noble Qur’an caused you, that you have tightened your belts to erase them and engaged in conspiracy under the pretext of working for Islam, whether unaware or deliberately aware of the truth, Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala forbid?

You think your conspiracies are hidden? No! For the records of your deeds are in our hands. So, desist from these statements, meetings, and conspiracies! The Muslim people, who have shed blood in the path of Islam, cannot bear to see a handful of those who were megaphones of the former regime^[10] resuming their machinations anew, deluding themselves that the opportunity is ripe. Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala forbid that a day should come when our people discover these individuals—who, as we have mentioned, direct their blows under the guise of working for Islam or other pretexts like the issue of Sunnism and Shi’ism. [Apologies for citing this incoherent article; I am merely relaying it. — Translator.]

Do not imagine that the people, who endured all these hardships to bring the Islamic Republic to this stature, will allow you to do as you please and sabotage its structure with conspiracies drawn from outside Iran. [What slander! What falsehood! What audacity! — Translator.]

I issue a warning, and I demand that those who make demands—and we know them—turn themselves to Islam and not betray it under the pretext of ‘seeking to reclaim our rights.’ For the rights of all individuals—whether brothers from the Ahlus Sunnah, brothers from the Ahl al Shia, or officially recognised religious minorities—are enshrined in the constitution and recognised in Islam as well, and they are treated with Islamic justice. [We seek refuge in Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala from such ‘justice’. — Translator.]

Desist from sowing the seeds of strife and convening meetings that incite discord. Turn to Islam and the Noble Qur’an, for it will strip from your hands the domination of foreigners, the enemies of Islam and the Qur’an, who cannot bear to see Islam standing tall, who have been struck a blow by Islam. And if you, here, seek to stir up—Allah forbid—division under the banner of Shi’ism and Sunnism, then we are compelled to fulfil our duty. It is evident that those who pursue corruption and seek to exploit division for their own gains, refusing to distance themselves… (may God never permit)—we must expose their true nature to our Sunni and Shia brothers and to all the people.

While we are in a state of war with major powers backing foreign enemies, and Saddam mobilises all his forces to undermine the foundations of the Islamic Republic while operating under the guise of Islam, we must not allow our brothers to become pawns in the hands of corrupt individuals who are occupied with spreading corruption—at times in Sanandaj, at times in Kermanshah, and at times in Tehran. We warn them to consider both the interests of Islam and Muslims on one side and external conspiracies on the other. Do not widen the circle of discord, for such actions today constitute an unforgivable sin. If it appears to us—may Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala forbid—that decisive action against them is necessary, it may end in the loss of those who persist in division. Whoever desires to guide this country to the shores of salvation under the banner of brotherhood, peaceful coexistence, and security must act accordingly.

 

Ten days after Khomeini’s article, Ustadh Moftizadeh wrote him a letter and published it for the people. Here is its translation:

 

Moftizadeh’s Letter to Khomeini

 

قُلۡ أَعُوذُ بِرَبِّ ٱلنَّاسِ مَلِكِ ٱلنَّاسِ إِلَٰهِ ٱلنَّاسِ مِن شَرِّ ٱلۡوَسۡوَاسِ ٱلۡخَنَّاسِ ٱلَّذِي يُوَسۡوِسُ فِي صُدُورِ ٱلنَّاسِ مِنَ ٱلۡجِنَّةِ وَٱلنَّاسِ

Say, I seek refuge in the Lord of mankind. The Sovereign of mankind. The God of mankind. From the evil of the retreating whisperer. Who whispers [evil] into the breasts of mankind. From among the jinn and mankind.^[11]

To the Leader of the Revolution, Imam Khomeini, in reference to his address to the faithful and self-sacrificing people of Iran, heard via the radio on 24/01/1360 AH (13/04/1981 CE)

Your words during the meeting with the visitors from Kargan, which included—as it appears—references to me and to the Shura Markazi Sunnat (Sunni Central Council). Likewise, I had previously seen—and he repeatedly reiterates—the same words or ambiguous phrases in newspapers, heard them on radio and television, and observed the questions posed by a faction exploiting radio and television to spread immoral demands among the people. They fear the truth reaching the ears of the populace. Among them are the so-called Head of the Supreme Court, the Head of the Shura Council, the Prime Minister, and the “Imam of Friday in Tehran” [he disliked calling him the Imam of Jumu’ah. — Translator] in his statements delivered at the council and his so-called Jumu’ah prayer sermons! The radio also broadcasted other remarks of yours on multiple occasions, alluding to the “process of division”.

Truly, were it not for your words—given your leadership position in the Revolution—which risk severely fulfilling the desires of those lords infatuated with power to the point of worshiping them, thereby perpetuating the flames of war, I would not have been inclined—after spending two years writing and speaking with little benefit—to waste my time dissecting the lies and slanders of these gentlemen, for every vessel leaks what it contains. Since the early days of the Revolution, I have observed the ambitions of those who are allies in weakness and enemies in strength. I have heard their slanders and defamation against anyone who refuses to submit to their arrogant desires cloaked in religion and foundational principles, leaving no hope that a response would yield any good. Indeed, responding to all this falsehood, calumny, and forgery—which consumes all time, fills newspaper pages, and dominates public media—has polluted Iran’s political, moral, and ideological atmosphere with the stain of disbelief and polytheism. This is neither permissible nor acceptable.

I wish for you to be contented first and foremost that this letter is not written in defence of myself, out of fear of the scandal you have implied. For there is nothing—by the grace of Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala—in my political past, since He blessed me with the guidance of Islam, that shows respect for any taghut (tyrant) prior to your movement in 1342 (likely 1963/1964 CE), eighteen years ago. This applies to all senior clerics, including Ayatollah Burujirdi, whom you claim was your teacher. Nor is this letter motivated by fear for my life or wealth. A Muslim, even if he possesses material inclinations and does not fully grasp the value of ‘God’s pleasure’, would not be so ignorant or naïve as to reject the immensely profitable transaction to which Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala calls:

§ ¨ © ﯚ ﯛ¬ ® ¯ ° ±

Indeed, Allah has purchased from the believers their lives and their properties [in exchange] for that they will have Paradise.^[12]

 

It is unbecoming of us—having embarked on the path leading to this transaction during the previous regime, in service to Islam and Muslims—to abandon it now, under the dominance of those who inherited that regime. For this regime, despite its grand revolutionary claims, has caused far greater harm to Islam, Muslims, and the Revolution itself through its power-worshipping leaders than the previous regime ever did.

Furthermore, I urge you to be rest assured that the reason for writing this letter is not rooted in objections to the formation or objectives of the Shura, which is a specific demand. A cursory glance at my history—both before and after the Revolution’s victory, and at the conduct of the gentlemen in power since their ascension—easily reveals these truths: Who is it that stirs discord, orchestrates conspiracies, and risks the Revolution’s downfall? And who strives to erase divisiveness and arrogance, standing firm against plots and traitors to the Revolution? Moreover, a review of the resolutions from the first meeting on forming the Shura clearly demonstrates its aim to eliminate selfishness and factionalism among the Muslim community’s segments and to revive the unity and brotherhood we fostered between Sunni and Shia brothers before the Revolution’s triumph. Yet, regrettably, these goals are undermined by the gentlemen in power through their constitution and actions. It is self-evident that selfishness and injustice cannot coexist with brotherhood and unity.

Where selfishness and greed exist between two brothers, speaking of unity and kinship is nothing but ignorance, falsehood, or naïve deceit. This is why those power-worshippers—who sustain their rule through strife and war, bolstering their authority by plundering and squandering the wealth and lives of this nation as they view security, peace, unity, and brotherhood among the people as threats to their own survival—have risen. This is also the reason for their hostility toward us and all the Revolution’s supporters across Iran, including Shia scholars. For it is not only we who are the targets of their slander and false accusations. Observe how they smear even the most devoted servants of the Revolution—those at the forefront of its struggle, individuals of noble resolve—with the same labels befitting those who strangle the Revolution and their notorious masters, simply because they refuse to compromise with the Revolution’s oppressors. Truly, it is impossible to discern whether these so-called heirs of the Revolution, or their opposition, are sincere or deceitful. Which side truly upholds the Revolution? Is it not evident that all these lies and self-serving accusations—amplified by state media, censorship, terror, arrests, and imprisonment of the Revolution’s most loyal figures and the Islamic Republic’s system—can have no cause other than the fear of failure among the corrupt, who dread the exposure of truth and the reach of honest voices to the people’s ears?

The motive for writing this letter, after all that I’ve said and written, is two things:

The First: I have learned from reliable sources about your simple lifestyle, far removed from luxury^[13], and your asceticism—even your nightly prayers. Likewise, I have heard from those same sources that you have made many explicit and implicit statements reflecting your profound anxiety about the illegitimate seizure of the Revolution by those who monopolise it. We are all aware of your long-standing efforts against the previous regime of oppression and tyranny. Yet it is regrettable that, despite your noble qualities, you defend traitors and wage war against the loyal (as I clarified in the letter I wrote to you before the recent war).

The Second: The heroic people of Iran attained this Revolution and this system after paying a heavy price, hoping to establish an Islamic state in the truest sense of the word. Beyond their own aspirations, the Islamic world also held great hope in this Revolution. It is deeply regrettable that the sacrifices made by this faithful people have resulted in a name without substance and a form without content.

For these two reasons, I repeated the action I had undertaken fruitlessly in the past, once again through this method—even though it appears that the conditions for fulfilling obligations and delivering reminders—as Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala says:

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And remind, for indeed, the reminder benefits the believers.^[14]

 

have ceased to exist after all I have said and written (as others have also said and written). Alongside these two reasons, there are two other critical observations that compel me to persist in the method of calling to righteousness.

The First Observation: The stature of this Revolution is so lofty, and the danger posed by those illegitimately claiming its legacy is so immense, that resorting to any action—no matter how faint the hope—to save the Revolution from the harm of its illegitimate usurpers becomes an urgent duty.

The Second Observation: The sentiments arising from clashes and sectarian differences among Muslims—just as they have always been tools in the hands of arrogant powers to perpetuate their dominance and subjugate the people—are now also instruments in the hands of these oppressors who illegitimately monopolise the Revolution and exploit it to justify perpetuating their authority and imposing it on the people. (I had previously referenced this in another letter regarding the article by the deceived youth^[15] about the program of ‘killing the Sunnis’, which is the dream of old and new peddlers of religion. [One of those they call the ‘Guardians of the Revolution’ reportedly said, upon entering Kurdistan, to someone he saw near the Masjids—who, prior to this encounter, believed every Muslim to be Shia—assuming him to be Shia, ‘We have come to avenge the blood spilled by the Umayyads.’ — Translator.] Similarly, we heard on the radio one Hujjat al Islam justifying the continuation of the war with Iraq until the Revolution spreads there and establishes a Shia government!)

Aware of this fervent intention to ignite the flames of war—embedded in the role of provoking enemies against the people, which has been thoroughly exposed (as evidenced by the examples we have cited thus far)—their drafting of the constitution and their actions over these two decades stand as a testament. I feel a profound duty to act with resolve and caution, which I believe necessitates shifting our confrontation with this regime: no longer viewing it as an Islamic state, but as a non-Islamic one. For such a stance grants the authorities full justification to ignite war among brothers. Throughout these past two decades and all of history, we have seen that the losses of such wars are borne by the general populace, not the privileged elite who evade the flames of war. When one party seeks to ignite conflict and annihilate the lives and wealth of the people, the opposing party is compelled to exercise utmost caution in its efforts. Indeed, were it not for this, what legitimate reason would there be to uphold the principle of al amr bi al ma’ruf wa al nahy ‘an al munkar (enjoining the good and forbidding the evil) in confronting this government, which is dominated by arrogant overseers who monopolise authority?

I have spoken and written extensively before this about the reasons why those who monopolised the Revolution ignited the fire of war, as well as about how the harm caused by these individuals exceeds that of the previous regime. Once again—instead of this endless saga of actions—there is the earlier assertion: that I am fully willing and prepared to engage in a direct, public debate and discussion to prove that what I have presented thus far is true, and to demonstrate that those who monopolised the Revolution are liars and insincere. Specifically, I strongly emphasise two points:

First: Regarding the “Sunni Central Council” and your claim that they are linked to external entities here and there. (Truly, the disbeliever assumes everyone shares his creed!)

Second: Regarding the constitution, to reveal that this concoction aligns neither with Jafari jurisprudence nor with anything else!

If those who monopolised the Revolution are truthful in their claim to be Muslims and that their constitution and actions are Islamic—and truthful in their accusations that we are conspirators, assassins, agents of the Ba’athists, Russians, Americans, and mouthpieces of the Pahlavi regime, etc.,—then they should have no fear of debate and accountability. For truth, sincerity, and righteousness never fear confronting falsehood, deviation, and corruption. Whoever flees from open discussion in the public eye is undoubtedly not on the side of truth and justice. If these individuals fear such debate,

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But if they turn away, then indeed, Allah is Knowing of the corrupters.^[16]

 

By evading debate and monopolising media platforms, they have merely postponed their exposure before the masses for a few final days. This is a futile attempt for two reasons:

Firstly: Indeed, these heroic people, who have demonstrated their faith-based enthusiasm in recent times, I do not believe they would be indifferent to their fate. And in any case—even if war and discord are stirred to divert attention from the truth—they will come to know the true nature of the enemies of the Revolution who wield power over it.

Secondly: Near is the Day of Judgment, when the humiliated ones will confront their deeds and cry out,

 

مَالِ هَٰذَا ٱلۡكِتَٰبِ لَا يُغَادِرُ صَغِيرَةٗ وَلَا كَبِيرَةً إِلَّآ أَحۡصَىٰهَاۚ

What is this book that leaves nothing small or great except that it has enumerated it?^[17]

 

I reiterate that if the gentlemen shy away from public debate, then confront them yourselves in this matter, since you hold the leadership of the Revolution, to expose to them—and to the people—the falsehoods, lies, deceit, and betrayal. Truly, the issue is extremely grave, and indifference to it is tantamount to consenting to the downfall of the Revolution.

Awaiting your decisive decision,

Ahmed Moftizadeh

Tehran, 03/02/1360 AH (23/04/1981 CE)

 

And now, do you suppose, our Muslim brothers, that the leader of the Revolution—or rather, the leader of the regime—has fulfilled what our teacher demanded of him? No, by Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala! Not even the slightest triviality! For such an act requires divine protection—and where is he in relation to that? How can admonition benefit one who has amassed evil deeds and is engulfed by his sins? Truly, our beloved teacher had placed far too much trust in these individuals! The man has become unrecognisable from who he was when he seized the reins of power. He is the one propelling those bloodthirsty corrupters forward and proclaiming himself their leader, so how could he possibly respond to this challenge and willingly expose his true self? Almighty Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala speaks the truth when He says:

 

وَمِنَ ٱلنَّاسِ مَن يُعۡجِبُكَ قَوۡلُهُۥ فِي ٱلۡحَيَوٰةِ ٱلدُّنۡيَا وَيُشۡهِدُ ٱللَّهَ عَلَىٰ مَا فِي قَلۡبِهِۦ وَهُوَ أَلَدُّ ٱلۡخِصَامِ وَإِذَا تَوَلَّىٰ سَعَىٰ فِي ٱلۡأَرۡضِ لِيُفۡسِدَ فِيهَا وَيُهۡلِكَ ٱلۡحَرۡثَ وَٱلنَّسۡلَۚ وَٱللَّهُ لَا يُحِبُّ ٱلۡفَسَادَ وَإِذَا قِيلَ لَهُ ٱتَّقِ ٱللَّهَ أَخَذَتۡهُ ٱلۡعِزَّةُ بِٱلۡإِثۡمِۚ فَحَسۡبُهُۥ جَهَنَّمُۖ وَلَبِئۡسَ ٱلۡمِهَادُ

And of the people is he whose speech pleases you in worldly life, and he calls Allah to witness as to what is in his heart, yet he is the fiercest of opponents. And of the people is he whose speech pleases you in worldly life, and he calls Allah to witness as to what is in his heart, yet he is the fiercest of opponents. And when it is said to him, “Fear Allah,” pride in the sin takes hold of him. Sufficient for him is Hellfire, and how wretched is the resting place.^[18]

 

Furthermore, we urge our brothers to pause at every sentence of this message and reflect deeply on it, for it contains truths rarely known to Muslim brothers outside Iran.

This message is a concise account of the plight of Sunni Muslims in Iran. It reveals the secrets behind the unjust bloodshed in Kurdistan. If only our brothers from other nations would traverse the world and witness with their own eyes the details of this summary, they would realise what that transgressive faction aims to export to the world. Their skins would crawl from shame, and they would weep over the calamities inflicted upon their Muslim brothers in Iran by those who claim to be “the foremost in religion”—yet lack the integrity to refrain from visiting certain Islamic countries and declaring publicly that Sunni Muslims enjoy the same rights as the Shia. Worse still, one of their devils dared to say after returning from Syria, “The religious scholars^[19] there stated to us that you (i.e. the Shia) follow the Sunnah of the Messenger of Allah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam more strictly than we do!” [I do not recall his exact words] or “We (i.e. the Shia) are more thorough in adhering to it than you (i.e. the Sunnis)!” (or whatever he said!). If only I knew when the day will come when Muslims feel their duty toward one another and recall the words of the Prophet salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam:

 

عن النعمان بن بشير قال قال رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم مثل المؤمنين في توادهم وتراحمهم وتعاطفهم مثل الجسد إذا اشتكى منه عضو تداعى له سائر الجسد بالسهر والحمى

The believers, in their mutual mercy, love, and compassion, are like a single body: if one part aches, the whole body suffers in sleeplessness and fever.^[20]

¶ ¸ ¹ ﯨ ﯩ¼ ½ ¾ ﯭ ﯮ ﯯ ﯰ ﯱ ﯲ ﯳ ﯴ ﯵ ﯶ ﯷ

Our Lord, forgive us our sins and the excess [committed] in our affairs and plant firmly our feet and give us victory over the disbelieving people.^[21]

 

Ustadh Moftizadeh’s letter to Banisadr

In the spring of last year, Ustadh Moftizadeh sent a letter to Banisadr^[22], the then President of the Republic, through a group of Muslim Brotherhood members who came from outside Iran. They requested him to clarify his stance on the events in Kurdistan and to guide the President on resolving its crises. Along with the letter, he submitted a set of proposals for constitutional reform. Here, we will mention some of the contents of the letter first, and Allah willing, the entire collection will be translated later, as they contain crucial secrets and truths that must be shared with the brothers. In them—and in everything the Ustadh wrote or stated in confronting the former or subsequent tyrannies—we see how a believer refuses to bow their head to forces of oppression and tyranny, even if some of them support one another!

The Sunni community’s response to their faithful leader was a crippling blow to the previous regime, which had long sought to exploit them as a means to strike the Revolution and hinder its progress. How sweet and magnificent their response was! It was as if they were bursting with great hope for the return of the rule of Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala after a long separation, to once again cast its benevolent shade over this part of Allah’s earth and extend it to other inhabited regions. However, Shaitan initiated another phase of corruption by misleading his brothers who unjustly seized control of the Revolution. Hopes faded and hearts were burdened anew with sorrows and tragedies that would have been bearable had they not been carried out in the name of religion, and had they not come from the hands of enemies disguised as advising brothers. For not a day passed without grief and calamity.

First, it mentions that after his emigration from Sanandaj, he completely refrained from contacting government officials and would not have resumed communication or sent this letter had it not been for the insistence of that group and his trust in the President due to observations of his stance regarding what is termed the “Assembly of Experts”. He warned him against acting as a negotiator in the political marketplace, thinking that such actions are merely for gaining status.

He then mentioned that in most of his letters and speeches to prominent figures after the Revolution’s victory, he emphasised two principles:

First: Most governments gradually drift toward tyranny. They err repeatedly, but their arrogance prevents them from admitting their mistakes or seeking to rectify their corruption. Instead, they strive to silence people through various means, and step by step, this leads to the spilling of dissenters’ blood on their path—as we witnessed in Kurdistan.

Second: Exploiting power and attempting to subjugate others under one’s own authority is the greatest catalyst for division and discord, and the most dangerous—as seen today, where conflict and fragmentation grow daily due to these individuals’ exploitation of power. He then addressed the Revolution’s leaders’ hope to make this Revolution global, explaining how he also contributed to supporting it with the resources he had, despite his belief that achieving this goal remains distant for many reasons. The most critical reason is the Revolution’s failure to pass through the first stage of any Islamic revolution: raising awareness, education, and individual moral cultivation.

After that, he reminded him of what he had done throughout the year and in the months before and after the Revolution’s victory, in pursuit of those hopes. He mentioned the following:

1. Disseminating dozens of statements in Sunni regions and other areas, and occasionally in some distant and nearby Islamic and non-Islamic countries, addressed to the general public and the Revolution’s leaders, to familiarise them with the methodology they ought to follow.
2. Issuing statements to every Sunni region where the previous regime and its remnants sought to incite bloody massacres.
3. Holding meetings to investigate the conspiracies orchestrated by the opportunists lying in wait for suitable moments to sow discord, and to shed light on their aspects.
4. Discussions with Shia scholars and their figures who visited Kurdistan on two matters:
   • First: Guiding the Revolution’s leaders that the true supporters of this Revolution require lengthy time, diligent effort, precise planning, and the organisation of forces.
   • Second: Strengthening Islamic sentiments and brotherhood as much as possible.
5. Direct and indirect communications with the Revolution’s leaders to inform them of the people’s problems and aspirations in all regions, and to warn them that opportunists exploit these circumstances against the Islamic Revolution. Thus, addressing these issues by resolving them and striving to fulfil those aspirations is imperative.
6. Endeavouring to inform officials of their mistakes, negligence, and incompetence, so they may fulfil their duties in these domains.
7. Sending warning letters and occasional motivational messages when reminders prove ineffective, since systematic deviations lead the Revolution astray from its path.
8. Finally, time was slipping away as we refrained from confronting them with actions that could weaken the Revolution, despite their persistent errors. The Revolution suffered crippling blows, and opponents of the Revolution and Islam found increasingly supporting arguments day by day. At that point, we concluded that direct reminders—without public awareness—were insufficient. Thus, we rose to challenge the sanctity of those who openly opposed the Revolution and delivered speeches of opposition.

 

Then he reminded him^[23] of the origins of the problems and dilemmas that are breaking the people’s backs.

He had previously clarified before the Revolution’s victory that these issues stem from three injustices:

1. National injustice
2. Sectarian injustice
3. Class injustice

He added that non-Islamic groups were unable to raise these objections, as modesty prevented them from doing so. As for the government, despite all this, it remained aloof from reconciliation and accepting the truth. Despite the simplicity of the demand, he explained it repeatedly through meetings, delivering speeches, and sending telegrams, categorically and via letters, to pre-empt any misunderstanding. He mentioned that after the circulation of the draft constitution, he alerted them that it was insufficient in addressing these injustices. Similarly, before inviting the Assembly of Experts to cooperate with the Seventh Committee—which was formed to research economic issues—he urged them to perform a service for the people during that critical period. He investigated all the issues and problems of the Iranian people, all of which stem from these three injustices. He exerted his utmost effort to ensure the constitution aligns with the Qur’an by being decisive and effective in addressing these injustices. In one public meeting of all committees, he thoroughly explained the effects of these injustices in a manner that brought tears to the eyes of some attendees^[24].

[The Equality Publishing Foundation published this letter along with the set of proposals regarding constitutional reform and important additions and commentaries. Accompanying it were footnotes by the Foundation, which explained some of the repercussions of the Kurdistan experience—a situation the government facilitated by empowering non-religious parties there to act against it. As we quoted from sectarian confessions and testimonies acknowledging the government’s role in the Kurdistan issues and its tragedies, which led to the martyrdom of a very large number of young believers at the hands of the bloodthirsty factions controlling the oppressed Kurdish people. It also referenced some methods of persecution, torture, and execution employed by those criminals against the believers, including:

1. Tying their legs with ropes and beating them with wires.
2. Tying their hands behind their backs, placing the prisoner in a corner of the prison, and pouring water or caustic soda beneath them. They did this to several individuals, including brother Shahab Arvand, who was 18 years old at the time, in the prison toilet until the acidic caustic soda burned his back. This brother was arrested 11 times, and in the final arrest, they executed him—though we still do not know exactly what they did to him, as with many other believers.
3. Tying the prisoner and beating him on various parts of his body. If he died, so be it; otherwise, they continued this for fifteen days, administering between ten to one hundred and fifty lashes. Among those persecuted in this manner was the martyr, brother Hussain Muradi.
4. Placing the prisoner in a stable and leaving him soaked until he died. Martyr Badi’ Radifar, 18 years old, was killed in this way.
5. Among the harshest forms of torture was delivering relentless, repeated punches to the prisoner’s body. Young, devout individuals like brother Nasir Rih Auri, 20 years old, were martyred in this way. This faithful young man displayed extraordinary resolve: they stabbed him with a dagger, stuffed salt into the wound, and beat him with cables as he cried, “Ahad, ahad, Allahu Akbar!” Finally, they tied him and continued punching him until he was martyred.

Other forms of torture included: Scalping the head and cleaning it; drilling out the eyes of prisoners with a drill; burning captives alive—martyred this way were brothers Mahdi Shibli and Hamid Izad; dismemberment—martyred this way were blood brothers Shahram Namki, Shahriyar Namki, and Rahmat Namki; nail clippers; and branding…]

 

The reason for his emigration from Sanandaj was explained. He clarified that he faced only two paths: either to remain there and ultimately be forced into war with the “non-religious” factions and groups—many of whom had been deceived by those devils with false promises—a path he could not take. Many of them sought their legitimate rights yet they failed in choosing the means. Others were repelled by Islam as it was presented by some clergymen aligned with this tyrannical regime—a version of Islam that served only to justify the continued oppression of the afflicted people by the arrogant elite and their luxuries. Those who followed anti-Islamic currents did so only because they perceived Islam as nothing more than this. Only a few deserved harsh repercussions, and yet (even these few) often escaped punishment and retaliation. How, then, could someone with faith in their heart agree to wage a war that would harm precisely those they ought to defend rather than fight? Thus, the only remaining path was to lower his head and emigrate for the sake of Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala. Even if such a war had been legitimate, he would not have engaged in it under those circumstances, as they lacked the financial capacity to procure weapons or bear the costs of war without begging tyrannical global powers—a course no person of honour would accept, let alone a Muslim who fears Almighty Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala.

In conclusion, he mentioned the government’s attempt to unite all factions against the Islamic movement in Kurdistan and eradicate it from its roots, as attested to by al Taliqani and others, as previously noted.

Following this, he presented four issues to the President of the Republic, urging him to make a decisive decision regarding them—if indeed there existed the capacity to make such a decision—so that a path forward may be charted.

The only way to save the people from ruin and the Revolution from collapse are:

1. Reforming the constitution to make it explicit, sufficient, and capable of addressing the three injustices. This would involve delegating the management of regional affairs to local consultative councils (majalis al shura) in accordance with the principles of the Shari’ah. Additionally, manifestations of arrogance and luxury on one side and oppression on the other must be eradicated from society. The effects of unjust differences and discriminatory distinctions among followers of different doctrines must also be erased. (A set of proposals for constitutional reform will follow shortly, Allah willing).

2. The government armed some feudal lords to confront the factions and parties—parties that had only reached such a level due to the government’s own facilitation. This led to a grave sin: arming those arrogant feudal lords whose hands had never embraced peace. They raised their heads, threatening farmers and other oppressed people with persecution and tyranny, instead of confronting the corrupt parties.

3. The government had pinned its hopes on non-Islamic and pseudo-Islamic factions to eliminate us or at least weaken our cause. We even heard that—in addition to financial and non-financial support, paving the way for them to exploit all governmental resources—it allegedly gave them weapons initially. However, once it became clear that these factions would not place the reins of their affairs in the government’s hands, even if they served it extensively—because they were tied to other satanic forces—the government abandoned reliance on them and resorted to two other measures.

Firstly: Providing resources and weapons to our group.

Secondly: Inciting division between the coalition of religious scholars and clerics linked to the Rizgari party and others, despite all allied factions being aligned with them, to pressure them into cooperating with the regime.

As for the first measure, it lacked goodwill and was often executed in a questionable manner. For example, the government did not provide any salaries to the members of our group, who during the days of the Revolution exerted their efforts to defend the Revolution and protect the homeland from strife. This support was limited to its own guards. One of the officials explicitly stated in a meeting with some of our brothers, “The government is not prepared to give you weapons that would enable you to confront and counter the non-religious parties.” It is evident that this clearly indicates the government’s intention to eliminate us by provoking war between us and them, then abandoning us without support until we are utterly annihilated.

As for the second matter, they sought to wield that war as a tool in their hands—striking factions on one side and creating obstacles in our path on the other. Since they are “men of religion”, they could deceive people in the name of religion, just as they had done in service of the previous tyrant. However, that party did not submit to our demands for reasons. We cite two pieces of evidence for our claims:

First: Two religious scholars from the Shia community—Hujjat al Islam al Jannati and Hujjat al Islam al Kirmani (the latter had spent time in Kurdistan before the Revolution’s victory and was familiar with thousands among those agent clerics)—held a secret meeting with some of them. They assured the attendees that “so-and-so is finished; he will no longer have a foothold after this.” This account was narrated about them and confirmed by one of the meeting’s attendees.

Second: The Ministry of Endowments issued an order to the Endowments Department in Sanandaj to appoint certain agents and cloak-clad individuals (those with good reputations) so that the ministry could grant them titles like Ayatollah and Hojjat al Islam entrusting them with overseeing the sectarian affairs of Kurdistan.

4. Kurdistan is significantly lagging in terms of urban development. Therefore, you must initiate urban and economic projects there using the allocated budget for it, even though the reality is that the allocated amount is less than what should be spent there, even with the assistance of local experts.

Now, let us present the set of proposals submitted by the Ustadh to the President of the Republic regarding constitutional reform.

 

NEXT⇒ Proposal Set for Constitutional Reform

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^[1]  A reference to Sheikh Moftizadeh.

^[2]  i.e. an American fabrication. This is in the context of Khomeini’s claims that Sunnis were conspiring with the Americans. The reader is asked to judge which statement seems more favourable to American imperialism.

^[3]  The great figures of Islam: Abu Bakr, ‘Umar ibn al Khattab, ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan, the ten promised Jannat, and the rest of the Companions with the exception of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib along with other Companions not exceeding the count of fingers on one hand. May Allah be pleased with them all. According to the belief of the Ayatollahs, these Companions are accused of hypocrisy, polytheism, and other charges. We briefly mentioned this humiliation in the first part of this series.

^[4]  It may seem strange that Article 14 of the constitution prohibits the Ahlus Sunnah in Iran from contacting their brothers outside Iran! Someone might naively ask, “Who prevents them?” Our response to this is that the Ayatollahs obstruct such contacts, and anyone who does so is accused of treason. Such accusations are easily made by them. This was also the case with the systems that preceded the rule of the clerics in Tehran.

^[5]  Such as Al Azhar in Egypt and the Islamic University of Madinah.

^[6]  Surah al Nisa’: 112.

^[7]  The connection between Khomeini’s Revolution and the USA—which they refer to as “the Great Satan”—was exposed in the first part of this series. We will return to this in the future since many memoirs and documents have been released after the publication of our book, foremost among them “Iran Gate”.

^[8]  While we admit our shortcomings, we confirm that we are with you with our hearts, feelings, and wealth, especially since the truth has become clear from falsehood. Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala has exposed the clerics of the Shia, and the masses of fools have become certain that they have been deceived by Khomeini just as you were deceived.

^[9]  Is the assault on the creed of the Ahlus Sunnah and the vilification of the Companions radiya Llahu ‘anhum not among the harms inflicted upon the Ahlus Sunnah? Does Khomeini not know what his henchmen have done in Kurdistan, Balochistan, and other regions of the Ahlus Sunnah? Indeed, the letters from our brothers confirm that he does know—for he is their leader, the one who taught them deception, evasion, and misguidance!

^[10]  Muftizadah al Khushayni challenged Khomeini and his faction to accept dialogue. Where is the evidence from the Imam of the Liars to support their claim that Sunni leaders were mere ‘megaphones’ for the previous regime? Had they presented such evidence, they would have achieved great success. Instead, they killed those they killed, imprisoned those they imprisoned, and expelled those they expelled—all without trial or documentation.

^[11]  Surah al Nas: 1-6.

^[12]  Surah al Tawbah: 111.

^[13]  Has the time not come for our companion to recognise Khomeini’s true nature after this prolonged suffering—after he himself witnessed or his associates have informed him of the disbelief and deviance found in Khomeini’s writings? Added to this are the sectarian declarations he issued both before and after the Revolution. Can one whose faith has rotted and who has sunk into the mire of polytheism truly be called pious and devout?

^[14]  Surah al Dhariyat: 55.

^[15]  This young man is not deceived; this is the creed of the Shia. According to them, Sunnis are Nawasib (heretics, disbelievers), and killing them is permissible under Khomeini’s religion. If Sunnis in countries without developed Shia communities harbour hope regarding this issue, then our Sunni brothers in Iran have no right to ignore this reality.

^[16]  Surah Al ‘Imran: 63.

^[17]  Surah al Kahf: 49.

^[18]  Surah al Baqarah: 204-206.

^[19]  The official clergy within the clandestine Ba’athist regime in Syria—this stance is unsurprising from them. Suffice to say that they are part of this regime, which is no different from the regime of the Ayatollahs.

^[20]  Sahih al Bukhari, Hadith: 6011.

^[21]  Surah Al ‘Imran: 147.

^[22]  Seyyed Abolhassan Banisadr was an Iranian politician, writer, and political dissident. He was the first president of Iran after the 1979 Iranian Revolution abolished the monarchy, serving from February 1980 until his impeachment by parliament in June 1981.

^[23]  i.e. he reminded Banisadr.

^[24]  Would you believe that some of the Ayatollahs cried when they heard of the injustices perpetrated against the Ahlus Sunnah?