And the allegations against him
The critics have a distinctive hatred for Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu. They utter very nasty remarks about the era of his governorship and caliphate. According to the opposition, this was a dark era in which each and every custom of Islam was wiped out. Islamic rites were done away with and the ways of compulsion and despotism were widely spread. Dini methodology and rituals were replaced with the policy of dictatorship.
Ibn al Mutahhar al Hilli al Shia in his book Minhaj al Karamah fi Ithbat al Imamah writes a very brief sentence against Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu in which he gathers all the accusations against him. He says:
و ولى معاوية الشام فأحدث من الفتن ما أحدث
Muawiyah assumed governorship over Sham and stirred numerous fitnahs.
Previously, in discussion one (under the Sham heading), the religious services of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu during the Prophetic era, Siddiqi era, and Faruqi era were listed briefly. Now, we will present to the esteemed readers narrations concerning Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu and his competence and potential coupled with his religious achievements from Islamic history which will answer the objections levelled against him and dismiss the misconceptions and misunderstandings of that era.
The sequence adopted is that firstly the rank and performance of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu will be presented followed by incidents highlighting his excellent relationship and conduct with the Banu Hashim family. At the end of all of this, the objections of verbal abuse etc. were addressed. Do not think that these discussions are only related to the ‘Uthmani era. Rather, these aspects are mentioned concerning his personality and being.
Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu lineage is as follows: Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan ibn Harb ibn Umayyah ibn ‘Abd Shams ibn ‘Abd Manaf.
His mother’s lineage is as follows: Hind bint ‘Utbah ibn Rabi’ah ibn ‘Abd Shams ibn ‘Abd Manaf.
It is learnt from this lineage that Rasulullah’s salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam and Sayyidina Muawiyah’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu fifth forefather are the same individual, ‘Abd Manaf.
It was approximately the 18th year of his life when he met Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam at the occasion of ‘Umrat al Qada’ and embraced Islam. He kept his Islam secret from his parents until the Conquest of Makkah. His parents (Abu Sufyan and Hind ibn ‘Utbah radiya Llahu ‘anhuma) entered the faith at the occasion of the Conquest of Makkah.
و كان معاوية يقول أنه أسلم عام القضية و أنه لقي رسول الله صلى الله عليه و سلم مسلما و كتم إسلامه من أبيه و أمه إلخ
Muawiyah would say that he embraced Islam the year of the repeat ‘Umrah and that he met Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam as a Muslim but concealed his Islam from his father and mother.
The esteemed readers should be aware that the general historians and authors of biographies mention concerning Sayyidina Muawiyah’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu Islam that he entered the fold at the occasion of the Conquest of Makkah (8 A.H.). However, the opinion we quoted is the declaration of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu himself. The early historians like the author of Nasab Quraysh and Tarikh Baghdad etc. have reported it via a chain. In conclusion, preference will be given to Sayyidina Muawiyah’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu own declaration over the views of others.
To form perpetual links of one family to another, marital links are fundamental. Due to these links, a tribe gains proximity to another, the perpetual connection between the two tribes are strengthened and fortified, and emotions like compassion, love, empathy, and well-wishing are found between them.
We will now list before the respected readers some family connections between the family of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu and the Banu Hashim so that the proximity shared between these two clans becomes evident to all.
Sayyidina Muawiyah’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu sister, Sayyidah Umm Habibah bint Abi Sufyan radiya Llahu ‘anhuma, was in the wedlock of Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam. She thus has the privilege of being the Umm al Mu’minin (Mother of the Believers) and Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu has the honour of being the brother-in-law of Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam. Sayyidah Umm Habibah’s radiya Llahu ‘anha name was Ramlah.
Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu was the co-brother-in-law of Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam (i.e. they were married to two sisters.) Umm al Mu’minin Sayyidah Umm Salamah’s radiya Llahu ‘anha sister Qaribat al Sughra was in the wedlock of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu.
و سالفه من قبل أم سلمة معاوية بن أبي سفيان بن حرب بن أمية كانت عنده قريبة الصغرى بنت أمية بن مغيرة أخت أم سلمة لأبيها لم تلد له
His brother in law before Umm Salamah was Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan ibn Harb ibn Umayyah. In his wedlock was Qaribat al Sughra bint Umayyah ibn Mughirah, the consanguine sister of Umm Salamah. They had no children together.
هند بنت أبي سفيان بن حرب بن أمية الأموية أخت معاوية كانت زوج الحارث بن نوفل بن الحارث بن عبد المطلب بن هاشم فولدت له ابنه محمدا
Hind bint Abi Sufyan ibn Harb ibn Umayyah al Umawiyyah, the sister of Muawiyah, was the wife of Harith ibn Nawfal ibn al Harith ibn ‘Abdul Muttalib ibn Hashim. She gave birth to his son Muhammad.
Harith ibn Nawfal is from the offspring of Sayyidina ‘Ali’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu cousins.
ولد الحسين بن علي بن أبي طالب عليا أكبر قتل بالطف مع أبيه و أمه ليلى بنت أبي مرة بن عروة بن مسعود الثقفي … و أمها ميمونة بنت أبي سفيان بن حرب بن أمية
Hussain ibn ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib had a son ‘Ali Akbar who was killed at Taff (Karbala’) alongside his father. His mother is Layla bint Abi Murrah ibn ‘Urwah ibn Mas’ud al Thaqafi. Her (Layla’s) mother was Maimunah bint Abi Sufyan ibn Harb ibn Umayyah.
Maimunah bint Abi Sufyan is the sister of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu. This makes Maimunah bint Abi Sufyan the mother in law of Sayyidina Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhu and the maternal grandmother of ‘Ali Akbar. Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu is the maternal uncle of Sayyidina Hussain’s wife, and the granduncle of ‘Ali Akbar.
Shia scholars have mentioned this connection in the following references:
و تزوجت لبابة بنت عبيد الله بن عباس بن عبد المطلب العباس بن علي بن أبي طالب ثم خلف عليها الوليد بن عتبة بن أبي سفيان
Lubabah bint ‘Ubaid Allah ibn ‘Abbas ibn ‘Abdul Muttalib married ‘Abbas ibn ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib. After his demise, Walid ibn ‘Utbah ibn Abi Sufyan married her.
Lubabah is the granddaughter of Sayyidina ‘Abbas, the paternal uncle of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu. Walid ibn ‘Utbah is the nephew of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu.
و تزوجت رملة بنت محمد بن جعفر بن أبي طالب سليمان بن هشام بن عبد الملك ثم أبا القاسم بن وليد بن عتبة بن أبي سفيان
Ramlah bint Muhammad ibn Jafar ibn Abi Talib married Sulaiman ibn Hisham ibn ‘Abdul Malik and thereafter Abu al Qasim ibn Walid ibn ‘Utbah ibn Abi Sufyan.
Ramlah is the granddaughter of Sayyidina Jafar al Tayyar radiya Llahu ‘anhu. Abu al Qasim is the son of Sayyidina Muawiyah’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu nephew.
After becoming acquainted with the above connections, it is evident that:
The services rendered for the religion of Islam, the endeavours made for the revival of Islam, and the achievements accomplished in the preservation of Islam by Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu are the blessings of the various supplications made at several occasions by the blessed tongue of Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam in his favour. Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala answered those entreaties of the prophetic tongue and manifested them. Through their blessings, Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu was given the capability to serve din.
Some of those supplications will be quoted which have been recorded by the senior scholars with isnad or referenced to reliable scholars.
عبد الرحمن بن عميرة المزني يقول سمعت النبي صلى الله عليه و سلم يقول في معاوية بن أبي سفيان اللهم اجعله هاديا مهديا و اهده و اهد به
‘Abdur Rahman ibn ‘Umairah al Muzani reports that he heard the Nabi salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam praying in favour of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan, “O Allah, make him a guide and rightly guided. Guide him aright and guide by his means.”
Imam al Bukhari documents yet another narration, backed by an isnad, in favour of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu in al Tarikh al Kabir.
عن أبي إدريس الخولاني عن عمير بن سعد قال لا تذكروا معاوية إلا بخير فإني سمعت رسول الله صلى الله عليه و سلم يقول اللهم اهده
Benefit: When Sayyidina ‘Umar ibn al Khattab radiya Llahu ‘anhu relieved Sayyidina ‘Umair ibn Sa’d radiya Llahu ‘anhu (Sahabi) from the governorship of Hims and instated Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu as governor, people began to remonstrate this change. It was on this occasion that Sayyidina ‘Umair radiya Llahu ‘anhu mentioned the above narration in favour of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu.
عن عبد الرحمن بن أبي عميرة عن النبي صلى الله عليه و سلم قال اللهم علم معاوية الحساب و قه العذاب
‘Abdur Rahman ibn Abi ‘Umairah reports:
The Nabi salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam prayed, “O Allah, teach Muawiyah arithmetic and protect him from punishment.”
يقول (عرباض بن سارية) سمعت رسول الله صلى الله عليه و سلم يقول اللهم علم معاوية الكتاب و الحساب و قه العذاب
‘Irbad ibn Sariyah relates that he heard Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam supplicating: O Allah, teach Muawiyah the Book and mathematics and save him from chastisement.
Imam al Bukhari documents in the fourth volume of his al Tarikh al Kabir:
صدقة بن خالد حدثني وحشي بن حرب بن وحشي عن أبيه عن جده قال كان معاوية ردف النبي صلى الله عليه و سلم فقال يا معاوية ما يليني منك قال بطني قال اللهم أملأه علما و حلما
Sadaqah ibn Khalid says―Wahshi ibn Harb ibn Wahshi reports―from his father―from his grandfather who relates:
Muawiyah was sitting behind the Nabi salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam on a conveyance when the latter asked, “O Muawiyah, which part of your body is adjacent to mines”
“My stomach,” he replied.
Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam supplicated, “O Allah, fill him with knowledge and tolerance.”
Note: These supplications had definite effects on Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu just as the prophetic supplications in favour of Sayyidina ‘Ali al Murtada radiya Llahu ‘anhu had lasting effects upon him and they were accepted and answered by the Almighty. Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam despatched Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu to Yemen so the latter submitted, “O Messenger of Allah, I am young and inexperienced in judicial matters.” Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam placed his blessed hand on Sayyidina ‘Ali’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu chest and supplicated:
اللهم ثبت لسانه و اهد قلبه
O Allah, make his tongue firm and guide his heart.
Most definitely, Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala favoured Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu with a high level of knowledge and understanding, coupled with courage and tolerance. Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala made him the means of multitudes entering the fold of Islam. Many cities were conquered and included in the dominion of Islam through his efforts. The word of Islam reigned supreme and arrangements were established for the perpetual preservation of din. He established the Islamic administration in those cities. All of this were the effects of the supplications and companionship of Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam.
If the era of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu is regarded as the destruction of the Islamic government and termination of the Islamic management, then what impacts did these supplications of Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam have? Rasulullah’s salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam prayers for guidance and direction and his supplications for knowledge and tolerance were, Allah forbid, ineffectual and inefficient (to Allah do we belong and to Him is our return). The supplications in favour of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu are beneficial, effectual, and efficient whereas the very same supplications from the blessed tongue in relation to Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu are unfruitful; this is paradoxical. Muslims need to ponder deeply and contemplate over this issue. May Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala grant us the correct beliefs regarding all the esteemed Sahabah of our noble Nabi salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam, free from tribalism and excesses.
Few themes will be discussed under this heading which will openly show Sayyidina Muawiyah’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu intellectual prowess and talent.
Among the aspects extensively accepted regarding Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu is that he has the great fortune of being the scribe in the service of Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam. He is enumerated among the scribes of the Nabi salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam. This is a clear evidence to his talent, truthfulness, and dependability.
Sayyidina Muawiyah’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu name appears in the list of the scribes of the blessed sirah of the Nabi salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam.
Sayyidina ‘Abdullah ibn ‘Abbas radiya Llahu ‘anhuma reports a number of ahadith of Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam from Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu and relied upon him in numerous Shar’i rulings. He placed him on the level of a faqih in religious aspects. Have a look at few of these topics hereunder.
فقال ابن عباس … ليس أحد منا أعلم من معاوية
Ibn ‘Abbas commented, “None of us is more knowledgeable than Muawiyah.”
دعه فإنه قد صحب رسول الله صلى الله عليه و سلم … قال أصاب أنه فقيه
Leave him, for he is a companion of Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam.
He said: He acted correctly, for he is indeed a faqih (one grounded in understanding of fiqh).
عن مجاهد و عطاء عن ابن عباس أن معاوية أخبره أنه رأى رسول الله صلى الله عليه و سلم قصر من شعره بمشقص فقلنا لابن عباس ما بلغنا هذا إلا عن معاوية فقال ما كان معاوية على رسول الله صلى الله عليه و سلم متهما
Mujahid and ‘Ata’ (two renowned students of Ibn ‘Abbas radiya Llahu ‘anhuma) narrate from Ibn ‘Abbas that Muawiyah informed him that Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam cut his hair with a scissor. We told Ibn ‘Abbas, “This narration has not reached us except from Muawiyah.”
Ibn ‘Abbas responded, “Muawiyah is not one to fabricate in the name of Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam.”
عن ابن عباس قال ما رأيت أحد أخلق للملك من معاوية
It is reported that Ibn ‘Abbas stated: “I have not seen anyone more proficient in governorship than Muawiyah.”
Sayyidina ‘Abdullah ibn ‘Abbas radiya Llahu ‘anhuma would travel to Sham to meet Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu and he would stay at his place.
أن كريبا مولى ابن عباس أخبره أنه رأى ابن عباس يصلي في المقصورة مع معاوية
Kurayb, the freed slave of Ibn ‘Abbas, informed him that he saw Ibn ‘Abbas performing salah in the maqsurah with Muawiyah.
Maqsurah was a secure chamber built specially for the khalifas in the first row.
Moreover, Sayyidina Ibn ‘Abbas radiya Llahu ‘anhuma would receive gifts and stipends from Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu which will appear shortly under the heading on gifts and stipends, Allah willing.
Muhammad ibn al Hanafiyyah is the son of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu.
عن محمد بن علي الحنفية عن معاوية بن أبي سفيان قال سمعت رسول الله صلى الله عليه و سلم يقول العمرى جائزة لأهلها
Muhammad ibn ‘Ali al Hanafiyyah reports from Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan who says that he heard Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam stating:
‘Umra (lending something to someone for life) is permissible for those in favour of whom it was given.
If a person lends another person an item for lifetime, it will become his permanently.
Ibn al Qayyim has in the beginning section of his work A’lam al Muqi’in explained that those esteemed Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum who were proficient in fatwa (to whom people resorted for acquisition of rulings) were of three ranks.
One group issued plenty of fatwa the likes of Sayyidina ‘Umar, Sayyidina ‘Ali, Sayyidah Aisha radiya Llahu ‘anhum, etc.
The second group were moderate in issuing fatwa like Sayyidina Siddiq Akbar, Sayyidah Umm Salamah, Sayyidah ‘Uthman Dhu al Nurayn radiya Llahu ‘anhum, etc.
و يضاف إليهم طلحة و الزبير و عبد الرحمن بن عوف … و معاوية بن أبي سفيان
Talhah, Zubair, ‘Abdur Rahman ibn ‘Awf, and Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan are included with them.
The third group are those who issue very little fatwa like Sayyidina Abu al Darda’, Sayyidina Abu Salamah, Sayyidina Sa’id ibn Zaid radiya Llahu ‘anhum, etc.
This means that concerning the academic prowess of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu, just as he is counted among the Fuqaha’ of this ummah, he had a unique rank among the proficient in fatwa in the era of the Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum. He being from the thinkers and legislators is an accepted historical fact.
A significant point to realise the religious reliability and academic integrity of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu is that many illustrious Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum narrated ahadith from him. A few of them are listed hereunder. Furthermore, Imam al Nawawi has affirmed that 163 ahadith have been reported on the strength of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu, documented in hadith compilations.
Previously in the first discussion under the heading of Sham, some of the services of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu in the Prophetic and Siddiqi era were mentioned briefly. Keeping them in mind, a few other battles and conquests will be listed here.
In relation to battles, Sayyidina Muawiyah’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu substantial services are plenty. First in the reigns of the Rightly Guided Khalifas and then during his own caliphate, numerous conquests were accomplished through him. A separate book is needed to include all their details. Nonetheless, we will relate a few incidents concisely so that this heading is not void of content.
1. ‘Allamah al Baladhuri writes regarding the Conquest of Urdun (Jordan) that the commander in chief was Sayyidina Abu ‘Ubaidah ibn al Jarrah radiya Llahu ‘anhu and Sayyidina Muawiyah’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu elder brother, Sayyidina Yazid ibn Abi Sufyan radiya Llahu ‘anhu, served as a general. In compliance to the instructions of Sayyidina Abu ‘Ubaidah radiya Llahu ‘anhu, the army marched on to the coastal region of Jordan. The leader of the contingent was Sayyidina Yazid ibn Abi Sufyan radiya Llahu ‘anhu and Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu was appointed over the vanguard of this contingent. After much struggle, the coastal regions of Jordan were conquered at the hands of Sayyidina Yazid ibn Abi Sufyan, Sayyidina ‘Amr ibn al ‘As, and Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhum. Sayyidina Abu ‘Ubaidah radiya Llahu ‘anhu sent the good news of this conquest to Sayyidina ‘Umar radiya Llahu ‘anhu in the capital.
Sayyidina Muawiyah’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu achievements and accomplishments were outstanding:
و كان لمعاوية في ذلك بلاء حسن و أثر جميل
Muawiyah displayed a good performance and had superb influence.[I]
أن قيسارية فتحت قسرا في سنة 19 ه فلما بلغ عمر فتحها نادى أن قيسارية فتحت قسرا و كبر و كبر المسلمون و كانت حوصرت سبع سنين و فتحها معاوية
Qaisariyyah was conquered in the 19th year after hijrah. When ‘Umar heard of its conquest, he announced that Qaisariyyah was conquered. He shouted the takbir and the Muslims shouted the takbir. It was sieged for 7 years after which Muawiyah conquered it.[II]
و كتب عمر بن الخطاب إلى معاوية يأمره يتتبع ما بقي من فلسطين ففتح عسقلان
‘Umar ibn al Khattab wrote to Muawiyah commanding him to advance to (conquer) the remaining areas of Palestine. In compliance, he conquered ‘Asqalan.[III]
قال عمير فحدثتنا أم حرام أنها سمعت النبي صلى الله عليه و سلم يقول أول جيش من أمتي يغزون البحر قد أوجبوا قالت أم حرام قلت يا رسول الله أنا فيهم قال أنت فيهم … فركبت البحر في زمان معاوية بن أبي سفيان فصرعت عن دابتها حين خرجت من البحر فهلكت
‘Umair says that Umm Haram narrated to us that she heard the Nabi salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam saying, “The first army of my ummah that wages war on sea have definitely earned themselves Jannat.”
Umm Haram continues: I asked, “O messenger of Allah, am I part of them?”
Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam responded, “You are part of them.”
It should be noted that this incident took place during the khilafah of Sayyidina ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu in the year 28 A.H., under the leadership of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu.
و فيها سنة 28ه غزا معاوية بن أبي سفيان في البحر … و معه عبادة بن الصامت و معه امرأته أم حرام بنت ملحان الأنصارية فأتى قبرس فتوفيت أم حرام فقبرها هناك
In that year 28 A.H., Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan went on a naval expedition. With him was ‘Ubadah ibn al Samit accompanied by his wife Umm Haram bint Milhan al Ansariyyah. He came to Qabras (Cyprus). Umm Haram passed away (on the island) and her grave is there.
The army of his ummah whom Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam gave the glad tidings of Jannat to; their leader was Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu. Therefore, he is deserving of this momentous glad tidings and he is most definitely from the inhabitants of Jannat by the assertion of the tongue of Nubuwwah.
It is noteworthy at this juncture to mention that Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu requested permission from Sayyidina ‘Umar al Faruq radiya Llahu ‘anhu time and again to launch naval expeditions, but was not given permission.
When the era of Sayyidina ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu began, he gave permission to launch naval expeditions under special conditions with the national benefit in mind. The advancement on Cyprus was the first naval expedition.
Under the command of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu, senior Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum served in this battle, for example Sayyidina Abu Ayub al Ansari, Sayyidina Abu al Darda’, Sayyidina Abu Dhar al Ghifari, Sayyidina ‘Ubadah ibn al Samit, Sayyidina Fudalah ibn ‘Ubaid al Ansari, Sayyidina ‘Umair ibn Sa’d ibn ‘Ubaid al Ansari, Sayyidina Wathilah ibn al Asqa’ al Kinani, Sayyidina ‘Abdullah ibn Bishr al Mazini, Sayyidina Shaddad ibn Aws ibn Thabit (the paternal cousin of Sayyidina Hassan ibn Thabit and Sayyidina Miqdad), Sayyidina Ka’b al Hibr, and Sayyidina Jubayr ibn Nufayr al Hadrami radiya Llahu ‘anhum.
Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu acted as the army general of this expedition as he participated himself together with his wife. Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala granted them a marvellous victory and the Muslims acquired magnificent booty.
The Muslims armies continued waging jihad in this area until the people of Cyprus threw in the towel and requested reconciliation. In the era of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu, they made a permanent agreement with him with few conditions.
لما قتل عثمان لم يكن للناس غازية تغزوا حتى كان عامة الجماعة فأغزا معاوية أرض الروم ست عشرة غزوة تذهب سرية في الصيف و يشتر بأرض الروم ثم تقفل و تعقبها أخرى
After the assassination of ‘Uthman, the people did not wage jihad until the year of unity. In that year, Muawiyah began sending army after army to the land of the Romans. 16 campaigns were launched. A detachment would advance in the summer and stay till the winter in the Roman land. Thereafter, they would return and another detachment would advance.
The year of unity is the year when reconciliation was reached by Sayyidina Hassan radiya Llahu ‘anhu and Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu. Thereafter, numerous battles were fought. Conquests were made on land and at sea, and at their hands, the banners of Islam were raised at the furthest parts of the world and their endeavours paved the way for the dominance of the religion of Islam. ‘Allamah al Dhahabi has spoken of this in the book Duwal al Islam. Have a look at it hereunder.
Expertise in management and administration came naturally to Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu. Under his governance was a large and vast Islamic kingdom. ‘Allamah al Dhahabi writes:
صار ملك الدنيا تحت حكمه من حدود بخارا إلى القيروان من المغرب و من أقصى اليمن إلى حدود قسطنطنية و إقليم الحجاز و اليمن و الشام و مصر و المغرب و العراق و الجزيرة و آرمينية و الروم و فارس و الخراسان و الجبال و ما وراء النهر
The kingdom of the world ended up under his authority from the borders of Bukhara to al Qayrawan in the West, and from the limits of Yemen to the borders of Constantinople, including the Hijaz region, Yemen, Sham, Egypt, Morocco, Iraq, Jazirah, Armenia, the Roman Empire, Persia, Khorasan, the mountainous regions, and the land beyond the [Oxus] river (Transoxiana).
During the caliphate of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu, some of the markings and signs of the Haram of Makkah began to fade away.
أسلم كرز يوم فتح مكة و كان قد عمر عمرا طويلا و كان بعض أعلام الحرم قد عمي على الناس فكتب مروان بن الحكم إلى معاوية بذلك فكتب إليه إن كان كرز بن علقمة حيا فمره فليوقفكم عليه ففعل فهو الذي وضع معالم الحرم في زمن معاوية و هو على ذلك إلى الساعة
Kurz accepted Islam on the Day of the Conquest of Makkah. He was given a prolonged life. Some of the signs of the Haram were unknown to the people so Marwan ibn al Hakam wrote to Muawiyah concerning this. Muawiyah replied, “If Kurz ibn ‘Alqamah is alive, then command him and he will inform you of the signs.”
This was done. Thus, he is the one who placed the markings of the Haram during the reign of Muawiyah and these are the very same signs up to this day.
Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu was a man of high morals and his conduct towards his populace is worthy of appreciation. In light of the declaration of Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam for the fulfilment of the populace’s needs, he appointed a man to whom the masses may present their needs to. As soon as ‘Umar ibn Murrah narrated the hadith of this subject to him, he practiced immediately.
عن عمر بن مرة أنه قال لمعاوية سمعت رسول الله صلى الله عليه و سلم يقول من ولاه الله شيئا من أمر المسلمين فاحتجب دون حاجتهم و خلتهم و فقرهم احتجب الله دون حاجته و خلته و فقره فجعل معاوية رجلا على حوائج الناس رواه أبو داؤد و الترمذي
‘Umar ibn Murrah reports that he said to Muawiyah:
I heard Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam warning, “Whoever Allah gives authority to over the affairs of the Muslims and he secludes himself from their needs and leaves them to suffer in poverty, Allah will not fulfil his needs and will leave him to suffer in his poverty.”
Hearing this, Muawiyah appointed a person to see to the needs of people.
Abu Dawood and al Tirmidhi documented it.
فلما دخل أبو مريم (الأزدي الصحابي) عليه (معاوية بن أبي سفيان) قال معاوية ههنا ههنا يا أبا مريم فقال أبو مريم إني لم أجئك طالب حاجة و لكني سمعت رسول الله صلى الله عليه و سلم يقول من أغلق بابه دون ذوى الفقر و الحاجة أغلق الله عن فقره و حاجته باب السماء قال فأكب معاوية يبكي ثم قال رد حديثك يا أبا مريم فرده فقال معاوية ادعوا لي سعدا كان حاجبه فدعي فقال يا أبا مريم حدثه أنت كما سمعت فحدثه أبو مريم فقال معاوية لسعد اللهم إني أخلع هذا من عنقي و أجعله في عنقك من جاء يستأذن له يقضي الله له على لساني ما قضى
When Abu Maryam (al Azdi al Sahabi) entered his (Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan) presence, Muawiyah said, “Come here O Abu Maryam.”
Abu Maryam explained, “I have not come to you seeking the fulfilment of a need. However, I heard Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam saying, ‘Whoever closes his door on the poor and needy, Allah closes the door of the heaven on his poverty and need.’”
Hearing this, Muawiyah bent over and cried. He then said, “Repeat your hadith, O Abu Maryam.” He thus repeated it. Muawiyah then told the people to summon Sa’d, his doorkeeper. He was called.
Muawiyah said, “O Abu Maryam, you relate to him as you heard.” Abu Maryam narrated to him.
Muawiyah then said to Sa’d, “O Allah (bear witness)! [Addressing Sa’d] I have removed this from my neck and placed it on yours. Whoever comes seeking permission to enter, let him in. Allah will decide on my tongue for him what He desires.”
These were indications to incidents of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu for the sake of brevity. The scholars and researchers may refer to the books for satisfaction. These are narrations of ahadith. They are not any type of historical reports.
‘Allamah Ibn Taymiyyah writes:
و كانت سيرة معاوية مع رعيته من خيار سير الولاة و كانت رعيته يحبونه و قد ثبت في الصحيحين عن النبي صلى الله عليه و سلم أنه قال خيار أئمتكم الذين تحبونهم و يحبونكم و تصلون عليهم و يصلون عليكم
Muawiyah’s behaviour with his subordinates is one of the most exemplary behaviours of governors. His populace loved him. It is established in Sahih al Bukhari and Sahih Muslim from the Nabi salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam that he stated, “The best of our leaders are those whom you love and they love you, you pray for them and they pray for you.”
Ibn Taymiyyah documents in Minhaj al Sunnah:
قال البغوي حدثنا سويد بن سعيد حدثنا همام بن إسماعيل عن أبي قيس قال كان معاوية قد جعل في كل قبيل رجلا و كان رجل منا يكنى أبا يحيى يصبح كل يوم فيدور على المجالس هل ولد فيكم الليلة ولد هل حدث الليلة حادث هل نزل اليوم بكم نازل قال فيقولون نعم نزل رجل من أهل اليمن بعياله يسمونه و عياله فإذا فرغ من القبيل كله أتى الديوان فأوقع أسماءهم في الديوان
Al Baghawi says―Suwaid ibn Sa’id narrated to us―Humam ibn Ismail narrated to us―from Abu Qais who reports:
Muawiyah had appointed a man in every village. The man among us had the agnomen Abu Yahya. Every morning, he would attend all the gathering and enquire, “Was a child born to any of you last night? Has any calamity struck last night? Has anyone settled in your town last night?”
They would reply, “Yes, one of the residents of Yemen settled here with his family,” and would mention his name and the names of his family members. When he completed his rounds of the whole village, he would go to the register and enter their names into the register.
The register had the names of all inhabitants. Arrangements for the fulfilment of their needs was made by the state.
The idea here is that there was a special department to check on the situation of the populace and find out their needs. In this manner, the needs of the masses could be fulfilled in every possible way.
The above incidents highlight Sayyidina Muawiyah’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu lifestyle and superb social conduct. In the face of these declarations of the senior scholars of the ummah, to spread the propaganda that his habits and style was like the habits and style of Qaisar and Kisra and his practical life was spent in this fashion, is total injustice and in polarity with reality. This is only propaganda to spread hatred for him among people. This picture is painted with reliance on unworthy and unreliable historical reports.
Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu was a fair-natured and impartial person. He fulfilled the rights of people in the best possible way.
قال الليث بن سعد حدثنا بكير عن بشر بن سعيد أن سعد بن أبي وقاص قال ما رأيت أحدا بعد عثمان أقضى بحق من صاحب هذا الباب يعني معاوية
Layth ibn Sa’d says―Bukayr narrated to us―from Bishr ibn Sa’id that―Sa’d ibn Abi Waqqas confirmed: “I have not seen anyone after ‘Uthman more fulfilling of rights than the owner of this door,” referring to Muawiyah.
Sayyidina Sa’d ibn Abi Waqqas radiya Llahu ‘anhu is among the elite Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum who avoided the Battles of Jamal and Siffin and did not support any of the two parties. He remained neutral in these disagreements.
Such a lofty and neutral personality speaks glowingly of the just behaviour of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu and declares that he has a high rank in dealing with equality and fulfilling rights after Sayyidina ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu.
This testimony is extremely weighty. The reports depicting the behaviour of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu in a negative way have no weight at all.
Likewise, the upcoming testimony of al A’mash (Sulaiman ibn Mahran: a reliable Tabi’i and a muhaddith of note) is very weighty.
The intellectuals should be aware that the era of al A’mash and his contemporaries was very close to the era of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu. The testimony of people of that close era have precedence in every way over and are more trustworthy than the historical reports of later generations. The historical reports portraying Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu as an oppressor and tyrannical ruler will be disregarded and will be labelled fallacious and inaccurate.
حدثنا محمد بن جواس حدثنا أبو هريرة المكتب قال كنا عند الأعمش فذكروا عمر بن عبد العزيز و عدله فقال الأعمش فكيف لو أدركتم معاوية قالوا في حلمه قال لا والله بل في عدله
Muhammad ibn Jawas narrated to us―Abu Hurayrah al Mukattib narrated to us saying:
We were in the company of al A’mash when they began speaking highly of ‘Umar ibn ‘Abdul ‘Aziz and his justice. Hearing this, al A’mash remarked, “What would your praise be had you met Muawiyah!”
They asked, “In his tolerance?”
“No, by Allah, in his justice,” he replied.
Al A’mash intended to highlight that the justice and equality of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu was far superior to that of ‘Umar ibn ‘Abdul ‘Aziz rahimahu Llah.
Some luminaries would counsel and admonish Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu who would appreciate it and accept it happily.
أخبرني العتبى قال دخل أبو أمامة الباهلي على معاوية فقال يا أمير المؤمنين أنت رأس عيوننا فإن صفوت لم يضرنا كدر العيون و إن كدرت لم ينفعنا صفونا و اعلم أنه لا يقوم فسطاط إلا بعمد
Al ‘Utba informed me saying:
Abu Umamah al Bahili entered the presence of Muawiyah and said, “O Amir al Mu’minin, you are the source of our springs. If you are pure, the dirt of the springs will not negatively affect us, but if you are dirty, our cleanliness will not benefit us. Realise that a tent only stands with the support of a pillar.
أخبرنا محمد قال أخبرنا معاذ عن دماذ قال أخبرني أبو عبيدة قال إن كان الرجل ليقول لمعاوية والله لتستقيمن يا معاوية أو لنقومنك فيقول بماذا فيقول بالخشب فيقول إذا نستقيم
Muhammad informed us saying―Muaz informed us―from Dimadh who said―Abu ‘Ubaidah informed me saying:
A person would address Muawiyah saying, “By Allah, you will most certainly straighten up, O Muawiyah, or we will straighten you up!”
“With what,” he would ask.
“With the rod,” came the reply.
Hearing this, Muawiyah would comment, “Then we will become upright.”
There is a famous incident in the reign of Sayyidina ‘Umar radiya Llahu ‘anhu similar to this one. Someone said to him, “If you do not straighten up, we will straighten you with swords.” In a similarly manner, people would speak the truth openly to Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu and observe their right of speaking the truth. Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu did not prevent them from this. This teaches us that:
The claim of the critics of this era that locks were on the mouths of the people is incorrect. The reports in substantiation of their claim are worthless and unreliable. To gather such valueless material from history on every upright individual is not difficult at all. May Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala the Benevolent allow us to practice on:
خذ ما صفا و دع ما كدر
Take what is clear and positive and avoid what is imprecise and negative.
During the caliphate of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu, what was the mindset regarding the Bayt al Mal and how were the recipients of this wealth determined? What importance did the Bayt al Mal hold in the sight of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu? This aspect needs much elucidation. However, considering brevity, a few quotations will be documented regarding it after which the points deduced from them will be listed.
فقام إليه رجل فقال كلا إنما المال مالنا و الفيء فيئنا فمن حال بيننا و بينه حاكمناه إلى الله تعالى بأسيافنا فمضى في خطبته ثم لما وصل منزله أرسل للرجل فقالوا هلك ثم دخلوا فوجدوه جالسا معه على سريره فقال لهم إن هذا أحياني أحياه الله سمعت رسول الله صلى الله عليه و سلم يقول سيكون من بعدي أمراء يقولون فلا يرد عليهم يتقحمون في النار … و إني تكلمت أول جمعة فلم يرد علي أحد فخشيت أن أكون منهم ثم في الجمعة الثانية فلم يرد علي أحد فقلت إني منهم ثم تكلمت في الجمعة الثالثة فقام هذا الرجل فرد علي فأحياني أحياه الله تعالى
A man stood up to him and said, “Never! The wealth is ours and the fay’ belongs to us. Whoever acts as a barrier between us and it, we will bring him to trial in the court of Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala with our swords.” Muawiyah continued his khutbah. After reaching his residence, he summoned the man. People remarked, “He is destroyed (he will be punished),” But when they entered his presence, they found him sitting with Muawiyah on the latter’s seat of honour.
Muawiyah said to them, “Certainly, this man has given me life, may Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala grant him life. I heard Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam saying, ‘Soon there will be leaders after me, who will not be corrected when they speak. They will plunge into Hell.’ I made a statement the first Jumu’ah and no one countered me, so I feared that I am among them. Then in the second Jumu’ah, no one corrected me so I said that I am from them. Thereafter when I made the statement in the third Jumu’ah, this man stood up and countered me. He gave me life (i.e. I was saved from the aforementioned warning), may Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala grant him life.”
Ibn Hajar al Makki comments after this incident that this is a grand virtue in which Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu appears solitary, for this reason that this type of incident is not reported from anyone else.
Realise with conviction that Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu was eager to practice upon the statements of Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam to the best of his ability.
He always had apprehensions of his position that no transgressing of the limits or slight oppression should not be committed by him. Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala protected him in this regard. May Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala be pleased with him.
عن عطية بن قيس قال سمعت معاوية بن أبي سفيان يخطبنا إن في بيت مالكم فضلا بعد عطياتكم و إني قاسمه بينكم فإن كان يأتينا فضل عاما قابلا قسمناه عليكم و إلا فلا عتبة علي فإنه ليس بمالي و إنما هو مال الله الذي أفاءكم عليكم
‘Attiyah ibn Qais relates that he heard Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan addressing them in a khutbah:
Indeed, in your treasury there is extra funds after your stipends which I will distribute among you. If next year, surplus funds come our way, we will divide it among you, otherwise there is no blame upon me. Certainly, it is not my wealth. Rather, it is Allah’s wealth which He has returned to you.
عن محمد بن الحكم أن معاوية لما احتضر أوصى بنصف ماله أن يرد إلى بيت المال
Muhammad ibn al Hakam narrates that when Muawiyah was close to passing away, he bequeathed that half his wealth be placed in the Bayt al Mal.
The above statements of senior scholars have established that:
This clarifies that all the objections levelled by people against Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu with regards to the Public Treasury are incorrect.
The critics collected useless material from history and opened a case regarding the public treasury. May Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala allow them to do good and guide them, and protect them from tribalism and family prejudice. May he safeguard them from harbouring evil thoughts about the esteemed Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum and grant them the ability to entertain good thoughts of them which we have been taught and instructed by the religion of Islam.
Ibn Kathir speaks about the situation during the caliphate of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu in the following text:
و أجمعت الرعايا على بيعته في سنة إحدى و أربعين كما قدمنا فلم يزل مستقلا بالأمر في هذه المدة إلى هذه السنة سنة 60 ه التي كانت فيها وفاته و الجهاد في بلاد العدو قائم و كلمة الله عالية و الغنائم ترد إليه من أطراف الأرض و المسلمون معه في راحة و عدل و صفح و عفو
The entire populace were unanimous in pledging allegiance to him in the year 41 A.H. as we have explained earlier. He remained the sole khalifah during this time until the year 60 A.H. which witnessed his demise. Jihad in the land of the enemy continued, the word of Allah reigned supreme, and booty poured in from the corners of the earth. The Muslims lived in comfort, justice, forgiveness, and pardon.
In the year 41 A.H. Sayyidina Hassan and Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhuma reached a compromise as regards the caliphate.
He writes after a few pages in favour of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu:
إنه كان جيد السيرة حسن التجاوز جميل العفو كثير الستر رحمة الله عليه
He had excellent character, overlooked graciously, pardoned beautifully, and concealed much (errors). May Allah’s mercy be upon him.
‘Allamah al Dhahabi writes:
و فضائل معاوية في حسن السيرة و العدل و الإحسان كثيرة
The excellences of Muawiyah in graceful conduct, equality, and kindness are plenty.
In light of the above, it is evident that Sayyidina Muawiyah’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu caliphate was based on equality and truthfulness and a replica of fairness and impartiality. Islamic rules were prevalent, owing to which the masses were at ease. The courts established by Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu adhered fully to Islamic regulations and issues were absolved according to Islamic set of laws. The propaganda of bringing an end to Islamic policies in the caliphate of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu levelled by the critics is prepared from worthless historical reports and are in contrary to reality and oppose the emphatic declaration of the distinguished scholars of the ummah. This is due to the fact that eminent scholars like Hafiz al Dhahabi, Hafiz Ibn Kathir, Hafiz Ibn Taymiyyah and others have clarified this matter par excellence that Shar’i procedures and Islamic systems were not abolished during the caliphate of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu; rather justice prevailed and the populace were treated with kindness and benevolence.
Now, those topics will be tackled which highlight the proximity and relationship enjoyed by Sayyidina ‘Ali’s family and Sayyidina Muawiyah’s radiya Llahu ‘anhuma family.
It was mentioned earlier that due to the machination of the evil and mischievous elements of that era, the capital of Islam was attacked and the third khalifah was assassinated under a conspiracy. Thereafter, the Muslims split into two groups. At the same time, the evil elements split and remained among both groups to fan the created disagreement. They spread misunderstandings regarding each other. They broadcasted a variety of suspicions in the matters disputed over and created grimness in the matter which finally led to wars and life-threatening events like Jamal and Siffin.
Here, the idea is not to list the causes and reasons for these events and discuss the details of the battles and their outcomes. Our objective here is to ascertain what views these personalities held regarding each other despite the serious disputes that arose between them. What ruling did they apply to each other? How did they view each other? Were their hearts filled with hatred and animosity for one another? Did they view each other as perpetual enemies? Notwithstanding the passing of centuries since those unfortunate events, some people till this very day continue to pass nasty remarks and use expletives against Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu. In fact, they accuse him of being a disbeliever, hypocrite, and transgressor and they deem harbouring suspicion about him and spreading evil about him their religious duty.
Whereas the personalities between whom there existed temporary dispute, discontinued the dispute and reached a compromise, and all disagreements were totally discarded after the year of unity.
To elucidate on the above heading, some aspects will be related at this juncture which will clarify the views held by Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu and his progeny about Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu and his partisans. To reach this objective, the statements and incidents of Sayyidina ‘Ali al Murtada radiya Llahu ‘anhu and his family will be presented in sequence. Ponder over them deeply.
عن سعد بن إبراهيم قال خرج علي بن أبي طالب ذات يوم و معه عدي بن حاتم الطائي فإذا رجل من طيء قتيل قد قتله أصحاب علي فقال عدي يا ويح هذا كان أمس مسلما و اليوم كافرا فقال علي مهلا كان أمس مؤمنا و هو اليوم مؤمن
Sa’d ibn Ibrahim reports:
‘Ali ibn Abi Talib left one day accompanied by ‘Adi ibn Hatim al Ta’i. They came across a slain man from Tay’ who had been killed by ‘Ali’s supporters. ‘Adi commented, “How unfortunate! He was a Muslim yesterday and today he is a disbeliever.”
‘Ali countered, “Wait (do not pass judgement so quickly)! Yesterday he was a believer and today he is also a believer.” (I.e. he has not lost his iman on account of opposing us. Instead, he is still a believer.)
محمد بن راشد عن مكحول أن أصحاب علي سألوه عن من قتلوا من أصحاب معاوية قال هم المؤمنون و في رواية عن من قتل بصفين ما هم قال هم المؤمنون
Muhammad ibn Rashid reports―from Makhul who relates:
The supporters of ‘Ali asked him concerning those partisans of Muawiyah who have been killed. He replied, “They are believiers.”
Another narration says: They asked him concerning those killed at Siffin, what are they? He replied, “They are believers.”
قال عقبة بن علقمة اليشكري شهدت مع علي يوم صفين فأتي بخمسة عشر أسيرا من أصحاب معاوية فكان من مات منهم غسله و كفنه و صلى عليه
‘Uqbah ibn ‘Alqamah al Yashkuri reports:
I was present by the side of ‘Ali on the Day of Siffin. 15 captives from the supporters of Muawiyah were brought to him. Whoever of them passed away, ‘Ali would wash him, enshroud him, and pray Salat al Janazah over him.
The declarations of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu make it distinctively clear that those who fought against Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu, for whatever reason, are believers. Their washing, shrouding, burial, and Salat al Janazah were all correct and carried out by Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu. Not regarding them as believers is disobedience to Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu and contrary to his way.
The Battle of Siffin between the armies of Sayyidina ‘Ali and Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhuma occurred in Safar 37 A.H. The anarchists were thus successful in their despicable purpose (disunity and discord).
Both luminaries, on the basis of their ijtihad, fought but did not transgress Shar’i limits in fighting. For example, they never wanted to kill those who avoided fighting, they did not kill the captives, they did not lift the hijab of any woman, they did not loot the wealth of any person, they gave peace to those who placed down their weapons, they did not remove the weapons and clothes from the killed, they did not enslave any Muslim male or female, they did not consider each other’s wealth as booty, etc.
Study the following references for these rulings:
From this we learn the nature of this skirmish.
Now, let us learn about the judgement from Sayyidina ‘Ali al Murtada radiya Llahu ‘anhu with regards the final outcome of the slain:
سئل علي عن قتال يوم الصفين فقال قتلانا و قتلاهم في الجنة و سيصير الأمر إلي و إلى معاوية
Under this heading, we like to mention that those whom Sayyidina ‘Ali al Murtada radiya Llahu ‘anhu fought against (e.g. those who participated in the Battle of Jamal and Siffin), what viewpoint did Sayyidina ‘Ali al Murtada radiya Llahu ‘anhu express with regards to them and what position did he hold them in. Listen to it from the mouth of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu:
سئل علي بن أبي طالب رضي الله عنه و هو القدوة عن قتال أهل البغي من أهل الجمل و الصفين أمشركون هم قال لا من الشرك فروا فقيل أمنافقون قال لا لإن المنافقون لا يذكرون الله إلا قليلا قيل له فما حالهم قال إخواننا بغوا علينا
‘Ali ibn Abi Talib radiya Llahu ‘anhu was asked, and he is the exemplar, regarding fighting the rebels from the participants of Jamal and Siffin:
“Are they mushrikin?”
“No,” he replied, “They ran away from shirk.”
He was asked, “Are they hypocrites?”
He said, “No, since the hypocrites do not remember Allah except a little.”
He was asked, “What is their situation?”
He replied, “They are our brothers who have opposed us.”
Note: For the information of the scholars. This statement of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu has been documented by numerous scholars in their respective books. Keeping conciseness in mind, it is recorded in Surah al Hujurat in the books on tafsir, regarding Jamal and Siffin in hadith compilations, it is quoted in the discussion on rebels by the Fuqaha’, and in related discussions in books of history. To the extent that senior Shia have reported it from Jafar al Sadiq via their isnad.
جعفر عن أبيه أن عليا عليه السلام لم يكن ينسب أحدا من أهل حربه إلى الشرك و لا إلى النفاق و لكن يقول هم إخواننا بغوا علينا
Jafar reports―from his father that ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu would not attribute anyone who fought him to shirk nor to hypocrisy. Rather he would suggest, “They are our brothers who opposed us.”
This viewpoint which Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu expressed regarding the participants of Jamal and Siffin: “They are our brothers who have opposed us;” people have spoken much on its explanation. However, if its commentary is brought to light from other statements of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu, it would be appropriate and there would be no need to delve into lengthy arguments. On the occasion of Jamal and Siffin, some supporters of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu went to extremes and began labelling his opposition as disbelievers. Hearing this, Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu clarified the matter.
Ibn ‘Asakir documents the report via his chain with the following words:
نا أبو زرعة عن جعفر بن محمد عن أبيه قال سمع علي يوم الجمل أو صفين رجلا يغلو في القول يقول الكفر قال لا تقولوا فإنهم زعموا أنا بغينا عليهم و زعمنا أنهم بغوا علينا
Abu Zur’ah narrated to us―from Jafar ibn Muhammad―from his father who said:
‘Ali heard on the Day of Jamal or Siffin a man exceeding the proper bounds by attributing kufr (to the opposition). ‘Ali said, “Do not say such for indeed they believe that we have opposed them and we believe they have opposed us. (This led to war.)”
Ibn Taymiyyah al Harrani has quoted this narration from Musnad Ishaq ibn Rahawayh via an isnad in the following words:
سفيان عن جعفر بن محمد عن أبيه قال سمع علي يوم الجمل و يوم الصفين رجلا يغلو في القول فقال لا تقولوا إلا خيرا إنما هم قوم زعموا أنا بغينا عليهم و زعمنا أنهم بغوا علينا فقاتلناهم
Sufyan―from Jafar ibn Muhammad―from his father who said:
‘Ali, on the Day of Jamal and the Day of Siffin, heard a person exceeding the bounds in speech upon which he commanded, “Do not utter except goodness. They are only a nation who believe that we have opposed them and we believe they have opposed us, so we fought them.”
We will now corroborate and confirm this meaning from the reports of senior shia from books considered reliable by them, so that both Sunni and Shia have the opportunity to reflect and ponder over this matter.
جعفر عن أبيه أن عليا عليه السلام كان يقول لأهل حربه إنا لم نقاتلهم على التكفير لهم و لم نقاتلهم على التكفير لنا و لكنا رأينا أنا على حق و رأوا أنهم على حق
Jafar reports―from his father that ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu would say about his opposition in war:
We do not fight them labelling them disbelievers and we do not fight them for them labelling us disbelievers. Rather, we believe with conviction that we are upon the truth and they are certain that they are upon the truth.
The summary is that in light of the statements of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu, the issue has been clarified that “our brothers” means “our brothers in faith” and the linguistic meaning of baghy is meant i.e. transgressing the limits, to demand, etc. The istilahi baghawah (rebellion) is not meant. The aforementioned narrations serve as evidences.
The istilahi (techincal) meaning of baghawah is for someone to oppose a true caliphate on the basis of his own view or interpretation. Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu was not a rebel to any khalifah, yet he says that they believe that we have committed baghawah against them. From this we learn that the istilahi or shar’i meaning of baghawah is not meant. Rather, the linguistic meaning is referred to.
Sayyidina ‘Ali al Murtada radiya Llahu ‘anhu did not regard Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu as a mushrik (polytheist), nor labelled him a hypocrite, disbeliever or a transgressor. Rather:
لا تقولوا إلا خيرا
Do not speak anything except good (about them).
This has been mentioned above.
This issue has been correctly encapsulated in a poem by the famous deceased poet Hali in his book Musaddis Hali. Two of his couplets will be quoted before the respected readers:
|تو بالکل مدار اس کا اخلاص پر تہا||اگر اختلاف ان میں باہم دگرتہا|
|خلاف آشتی سے خوش آیندہ تر تہا||جہگررتے تہے لیکن نہ جہگرروں میں شر تہا|
If disputes were mutually rife among them,
then its basis was only upon sincerity.
They disputed each other; however, there existed no evil in their disputes.
Their dispute was far better than peace.
Now that the discussion on transgression and aggression has come up, it is better to clarify few misconceptions. The texts of some authors at this juncture are ambiguous and may be misunderstood. For example: in Sharh al Mawaqif, in the discussions on Imamah, seventh objective, the commentator writes while quoting the statements of scholars regarding Sayyidina ‘Ali’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu adversaries:
و منهم من ذهب إلى التفسيق كالشيعة و كثير من أصحابنا
Some of them have resorted to labelling them transgressors like the Shia and many of our people.
To answer this, the article of Imam Rabbani will be presented which will clarify the actual discussion and you may study other scholars’ statements as well.
و آنچہ شارح مواقف گفتہ کہ بسیارے از اصحاب ما برآں اند کہ آں منازعت از روۓ اجتہاد نبودہ مراد از اصحاب کدام گروہ را داشتہ باشد اہل سنت بر خلاف آں حاکم اند چنانکہ گذشت و کتب القوم مشحونتہء بالخطاء الاجتہادی کما صرح بہ الامام الغزالی و القاضی ابو بکر و غیرہما پس تفسیق و تضلیل در حق محاربان حضرت امیر جائز نباشد الخ
This statement made by the commentator of Mawaqif that many of our people are of the view that the disagreement between Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu and Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu was not on the basis of ijtihad. Which group is meant by this? As mentioned previously, the Ahlus Sunnah have passed judgement contrary to this and the books of the entire sect are replete with labelling this issue an ijtihadi error. Imam Ghazali, Qadi Abu Bakr, Ibn ‘Arabi, and other scholars have emphatically declared that applying the ruling of transgression and deviation on those who fought against Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu is impermissible.
و ليسوا كفارا و لا فسقة و لا ظلمة لما لهم من التأويل و إن كان باطلا فغاية الأمر أنهم أخطأوا في الإجتهاد و ذلك لا يوجب التفسيق فضلا عن التكفير و لهذا منع علي أصحابه من لعن أهل الشام و قال إخواننا بغوا علينا إلخ
They were not disbelievers, nor transgressors, nor oppressors for they had an interpretation, although it was inaccurate. The most that may be said is that they erred in ijtihad. This does not necessitate fisq (transgression) leave alone disbelief. Due to this, ‘Ali prohibited his supporters from cursing the people of Sham and said, “They are our brothers who committed aggression against us.”
ثم كان معاوية مخطئا إلى أنه فعل ما فعل عن تأويل فلم يصر به فاسقا
In short, eminent scholars like Mujaddid Alf Thani, Abu Shakur Salimi, Taftazani, Mulla ‘Ali Qari, and others have negated the application of transgression and oppression to the participants of Siffin. Therefore, the above statement of the commentator of Mawaqif is against research and is labelled an error. May Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala forgive him.
Some Fuqaha’ have used the words jawr (oppression) and ja’ir (oppressor) for Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu. The following text is found in the book of etiquette of a judge, of the third volume of al Hidayah:
ثم يجوز التقلد من السلطان الجائر كما يجوز من العادل لإن الصحابة رضي الله عنهم تقلدوا من معاوية و الحق كان بيد علي في نوبته
Then it is permissible to follow an oppressive ruler just as it is permissible to follow a just ruler because the Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum followed Muawiyah while the truth was in ‘Ali’s hand during his time.
While commenting on the above, the following appears in Fath al Qadir:
هذا تصريح بجور معاوية
This is definite on Muawiyah’s oppression.
To clarify this issue, one point is that the wording of al Hidayah, during his time is sufficient to answer the objection of the opposition, because according to us, during the lifetime of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu, ‘Ali’s caliphate was correct and Sayyidina Muawiyah’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu caliphate was not correct, but rather an ijtihadi error. Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu is a mujtahid in this matter.
المجتهد قد يخطئ و يصيب
A mujtahid errs and is right.
The second point is that immediately after the above words in the commentary Fath al Qadir, a text appears which dismisses this objection. It is written there:
و المراد في خروجه لا في قضيته ثم إنما يتم إذا ثبت أنه ولي القضاء قبل تسليم الحسن له و أما بعد تسليمه فلا
The purport is his rebellion not his decision. Then, this will only be complete when it is established that he assumed the post of judge before Hassan handed to him (the caliphate). With regards after handing it over to him, then no.
Furthermore, this issue has been resolved by Imam Rabbani Mujaddid Alf Thani in the upcoming letter of his. It is sufficient and satisfactory, with the condition of justice. It is quoted hereunder verbatim. Have a look:
آنچہ عبارات بعضے از فقہا لفظ جور در حق معاویہ واقع شدہ است و گفتہ کان معاویۃ اماما جائرا مراد از جور عدم حقیت خلافت او در زمان خلافت حضرت امیر خواہد بود نہ جوریکہ مآلش فسق و ضلالت ست تا باقوال اہل سنت موافق باشد مع ذلک ارباب استقامت از اتیان الفاظ موہومہ خلاف مقصود اجتناب می نمایند و زیادۃ بر خطا تجویز نمی کںد کیف یکون جائرا و قد صح انہ کان اماما عادلا فی حقوق اللہ و فی حقوق المسلمین کما فی الصواعق
In the texts of some Fuqaha’ the word oppression or oppressive ruler have been used for Amir Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu. The meaning of it is that during the caliphate of ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu, Amir Muawiyah’s caliphate was incorrect and improper. The meaning of jawr here is not that the outcome of which is transgression and deviation. Then only will this ruling be in harmony with the views of the Ahlus Sunnah. Moreover, ambiguous titles of this nature which are contrary to the intended meaning are avoided in usage by the men of istiqamah (maturity of knowledge). More than an ijtihadi error, they do not mention anything. How can Amir Muawiyah be an oppressor whereas he was a rightful ruler and fair in regards the rights of Allah and the rights of the Muslims as documented in al Sawa’iq.
Both personalities (Sayyidina ‘Ali and Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhuma) were one in terms of religion and faith. In this aspect, they had no difference. This is an accepted fact according to the Ahlus Sunnah wa l-Jama’ah. At the same time, in books regarded reliable by the Shia, this matter is documented in the same manner:
و من كتاب له عليه السلام كتبه إلى أهل الأمصار يقتص فيه ما جرى بينه و بين أهل صفين و كان بدأ أمرنا أنا التقينا و القوم من أهل الشام و الظاهر أن ربنا واحد و نبينا واحد و دعوتنا في الإسلام واحدة لا نستزيدهم في الإيمان بالله و التصديق برسوله صلى الله عليه و سلم و لا يستزيدوننا و الأمر واحد إلا ما اختلفنا فيه من دم عثمان و نحن منه برآء
Portion of his (‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu) letter which he wrote to the city dwellers, relating what transpired between him and the participants of Siffin.
The commencement of our affair is that we and the people from Sham met in battle―whereas it is evident that our Rabb is one, our Messenger is one, and our call in Islam is one. We do not claim that we possess more iman in Allah and belief in His Messenger salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam than them and they do not make this claim over us. Our religious affair is the same. Yes, we have differed with regards the blood of ‘Uthman while we are innocent of the same.
Both these sects adhered to the same religion and were one with regards to Islam. There is no difference between them is this regard. They had ijtihadi disagreement in few matters i.e. regarding the killing of ‘Uthman and the murderers of Sayyidina ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu. Following this, whenever the issue of cursing and swearing his opponents came to his notice, Sayyidina ‘Ali al Murtada radiya Llahu ‘anhu vehemently prohibited his supporters from this despicable act and forbade them over and over again. Study the evidence of this hereunder.
عن عبد الله بن صفوان قال قال رجل يوم صفين اللهم العن أهل الشام قال فقال علي لا تسب أهل الشام جما غفيرا فإن بها الأبدال فإن بها الأبدال فإن بها الأبدال
‘Abdullah ibn Safwan relates that a man said on the Day of Siffin, “O Allah, curse the people of Sham.”
Hearing this, ‘Ali cautioned, “Do not curse the people of Sham altogether, for indeed the abdal reside there, the abdal reside there, the Abdal reside there.”
عن شريح بن عبيد قال ذكر أهل الشام عند علي و قيل العنهم يا أمير المؤمنين قال إني سمعت رسول الله صلى الله عليه و سلم الأبدال يكونون بالشام و هم أربعون رجلا كلما مات رجل أبدل الله مكانه رجلا إلخ
Shurayh ibn ‘Ubaid reports:
The people of Sham were mentioned before ‘Ali and he was told, “Curse them, O Amir al Mu’minin.”
He responded saying, “(No.) I heard Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam: ‘The abdal are in Sham and they are forty men. Whenever a man among them passes on, Allah replaces him with another.’”
These statements of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu were presented from our books. Now, the declarations of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu documented in books of the Shia will be quoted.
Recognise this theme in the following text of Nahj al Balaghah:
و من كلام له عليه السلام و قد سمع قوما من أصحابه يسبون أهل الشام أيام حربهم بصفين إني أكره لكم أن تكونوا سبابين و لكنكم لو وصفتم أعمالهم و ذكرتم حالهم كان أصوب في القول و أبلغ في العذر و قلتم مكان سبكم إياهم اللهم احقن دماءنا و دمائهم و أصلح ذات بيننا و بينهم و اهدهم من ضلالتهم حتى يعرف الحق من جهله و يرعوى عن الغي و العدوان من لجج به
From his radiya Llahu ‘anhu speeches, after he heard some of his supporters verbally abusing the people of Sham during the days of fighting at Siffin:
I dislike for you to be cursers. However, had you described their actions and mentioned their situation, it would have been more accurate in speech and deeper in excuse. You should have said instead of cursing them, “O Allah, protect our blood and their blood, unite us, and guide them from their nonconformity so that the ignorant recognise the truth and those bent on transgression and aggression should desist from the same.
The renowned Shia historian, Ahmed ibn Dawood Abu Hanifah al Dinawari (d. 282 A.H.) has reproduced this very declaration of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu in al Akhbar al Tiwal with more detail. The text is quoted verbatim:
و بلغ عليا أن حجر بن عدي و عمرو بن الحمق يظهران شتم معاوية و لعن أهل الشام فأرسل إليهما أن كفا عما يبلغني عنكما فأتياه فقالا يا أمير المؤمنين ألسنا على الحق و هو على الباطل قال بلى ورب الكعبة المسدنة قالوا فلم تمنعنا من شتمهم و لعنهم قال كرهت لكم أن تكونوا شتامين لعانين و لكن قولوا اللهم احقن دمائنا و دمائهم و أصلح ذات بيننا و بينهم و اهدهم من ضلالتهم حتى يعرف الحق من جهله و يرعوى عن الغي من لجج به
The news reached ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu that Hujr ibn ‘Adi and ‘Amr ibn al Humq were openly swearing Muawiyah and cursing the people of Sham. He sent word to them, “Stop the action that has reached me about you.”
They approached him and submitted, “O Amir al Mu’minin, are we not upon truth and they upon falsehood?”
He said, “Most definitely, by the Rabb of the Ka’bah.”
They asked, “Then why do you prevent us from swearing and cursing them?”
He replied, “I dislike that you become swearers and cursers. Rather say, ‘O Allah, spare our blood and their blood, unite us, and guide them from their nonconformity so that the ignorant recognise the truth and those bent on aggression should desist from the same.’”
Thirdly, Abu Jafar al Tusi al Shia has quoted the bequests of Sayyidina ‘Ali al Murtada radiya Llahu ‘anhu to his friends in al Amali. Among these advices is the following. Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu commands:
و أوصيكم بالصلوة … و الزكوة … و الجهاد … و أوصيكم بأصحاب نبيكم لا تسبوهم إلخ
I bequeath you to perform salah … zakat … jihad … and I bequeath you concerning the Companions of your Nabi salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam; do not revile them.
Those who revile and insult Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu should pay close attention to these statements of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu and reflect over their own behaviour. They should analyse their conduct, whether it is correct. In the enmity of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu, have they not rebelled against Sayyidina ‘Ali’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu command? Have they not become disobedient to his instruction be way of their actions?
Although, the outcome of the conspiracies of the conspirators of that era, e.g. ‘Abdullah ibn Saba’ and others, led to events like Jamal and Siffin taking place between the Muslims, nonetheless after the demise of Sayyidina ‘Ali al Murtada radiya Llahu ‘anhu, Sayyidina Hassan radiya Llahu ‘anhu reconciled with Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu and pledged allegiance to him. This reconciliation was the manifestation of the glad tidings and prophecy of the Nabi salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam:
أبني هذا سيد سيصلح الله به بين الفئتين العظيمتين من المسلمين
This son of mine is a leader. Soon will Allah unite two huge fractions of Muslims because of him.
Sayyidina Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhu agreed with his brother Sayyidina Hassan radiya Llahu ‘anhu in handing over the caliphate to Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu. Keeping the benefit of the Muslim ummah at heart, temporary skirmishes were terminated and the road of unity and harmony was levelled.
This event is an accepted occurrence of Islamic history. The scholars of both the Ahlus Sunnah and Shia agree to its accurateness. This is not a disputed issue. Yet, for the satisfaction and solace of the esteemed readers, some concise texts will be quoted from famous books of both sects.
و فيها (سنة الجماعة) اجتمع الحسن بن علي بن أبي طالب و معاوية فاجتمعا بمسكن من أرض السواد و من ناحية الأنبار فاصطلحا و سلم الحسن بن علي إلى معاوية و ذلك في شهر ربيع الآخر أو في جمادى الأولى سنة إحدى و أربعين
In this year (the year of unity), Hassan ibn ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib and Muawiyah met at a residence in the land of Iraq, on the border of Anbar and reached a compromise. Hassan ibn ‘Ali handed over to Muawiyah (the caliphate). This occurred in the month of Rabi’ al Awwal or Jumada al Ula the year 41.
فصالح الحسن معاوية و سلم الأمر له و بايعه بالخلافة على شروط و وثائق إلخ
Hassan reconciled with Muawiyah, handed over the caliphate to him, and pledged allegiance to him upon conditions and policies.
تركته لمعاوية إرادة إصلاح المسلمين و حقن دمائهم
(Although caliphate is my right) I have left it for Muawiyah anticipating unity of Muslims and the sparing of their blood.
The momentous event of this reconciliation and bay’ah has been documented by countless scholars, for example:
Shia scholars and historians have written extensively on Sayyidina Muawiyah’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu agreement with Sayyidina Hassan radiya Llahu ‘anhu and the subsequent bay’ah. In submission to their despicable habit, they make numerous additions; that it was out of coercion and Taqiyyah.
We will now quote their texts verbatim for the benefit of the scholars. Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu wrote a letter from his residence in Sham to Sayyidina Hassan, Sayyidina Hussain, and Qais ibn Sa’d ibn ‘Ubadah al Ansari radiya Llahu ‘anhum calling them over. These gentlemen reached Sham, obtained permission to enter, and entered. The lecturer had kept the people prepared (in a gathering).
فقال يا حسن قم فبايع فقام فبايع ثم قال للحسين عليه السلام قم فبايع فقام فبايع ثم قال يا قيس قم فبايع فالتفت الى الحسين عليه السلام ينظر ما يأمره فقال يا قيس إنه إمامي
He (Muawiyah) said, “O Hassan! Stand up and pledge allegiance.” He stood up and pledged his allegiance.
He then said to Hussain, “Stand up and pledge allegiance.” He stood up and pledged allegiance.
He then said, “O Qais, stand up and pledge allegiance.” He looked towards Hussain to see what he commands him. Hussain said, “O Qais, he is my leader.”
In Furu’ al Kafi kitab al Rawdah, this event is explained in the following words:
عن أبي جعفر قال والله للذي صنعه الحسن بن علي عليه السلام كان خيرا لهذه الأمة مما طلعت عليه الشمس
Abu Jafar declared, “By Allah, definitely what Hassan ibn ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu did was superior for the ummah to everything the sun rises over.”
Mulla Baqir writes the translation of the above mentioned report as:
یعنی کلینی بسند معتبر از حضرت امام باقر روایت کردہ است کہ صلحے کہ حضرت امام حسن با معاویۃ کرد براۓ ایں امت بہتر بود از دنیا و ما فیہا
Note: This matter has been documented in the following Shia books regarded reliable by the Shia with their respective texts. The scholars may refer to them:
One of the ancient Tafdili historians of the Shia, Ahmed ibn Abu Dawood al Dinawari al Shia (d. 282 A.H.) in his famous work al Akhbar al Tiwal has explained Sayyidina Hussain’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu bay’ah to Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu in a beautiful manner. We will reproduce it for the benefit of the readers, apart from Sayyidina Hassan’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu bay’ah so that both brothers’ views in this matter is clearly understood.
Al Dinawari has written that a man by the name Hujr ibn ‘Adi was among the ardent supports of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu. After the reconciliation between Sayyidina Hassan and Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhuma, he was hell-bent upon fighting the latter but to his disappointment, Sayyidina Hassan radiya Llahu ‘anhu was not prepared for war. He then intended to incite Sayyidina Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhu to wage war and fight.
فقال الحسين إنا قد بايعنا و عاهدنا و لا سبيل إلى نقض بيعتنا
Hussain replied, “We have pledged allegiance and entered into a pact. There is no way to break our allegiance.”
Another incident documented by the Shia historians regarding Sayyidina Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhu after the compromise was reached sheds further light on the stance of Sayyidina Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhu concerning Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu. The Shia al Dinawari says that during the caliphate of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu, his governor over Madinah informed him that Sayyidina Hussain ibn ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu plans to overthrow his caliphate. Upon this, Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu wrote a letter to Sayyidina Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhu that the conspirators are hell-bent on inciting and provoking you, so kindly refrain from it. Sayyidina Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhu put his apprehensions to rest:
فكتب إليه الحسين رضي الله عنه ما أريد حربك و لا الخلاف عليك قالوا و لم ير الحسن ولا الحسين طول حياة معاوية منه سوء في انفسهما و لا مكروها و لا قطع عنهما شيئا مما كان شرط لهما و لا تغير لهما عن بر
Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhu wrote to him, “I do not intend fighting you or rebelling against you.”
They add: Neither Hassan nor Hussain had any bad experience with Muawiyah until the end of his life, nor did they have distasteful situations with him, nor did he break any condition he made with them, nor did he change his generosity towards them.
The above reports make it certain that:
In short, this accusation against Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu that he usurped the rights of Sayyidina Hassan and Sayyidina Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhuma, violated the conditions of reconciliation, and maintained bad relations with the Banu Hashim and the family of Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam due to which these personalities harboured enmity and animosity for Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu is totally incorrect. The above quotations are taken from the Shia historian al Dinawari. He adheres to Shi’ism and is earlier than al Tabari, al Jazari, and others. He has solved these issues excellently with the above documentations of his. Hopefully, those with fair temperaments will bless them with acceptance and consider the view of the latter historians worthless and insignificant.
Hashimi personalities would practically assist Sayyidina ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan radiya Llahu ‘anhu during his caliphate. Incidents of this nature was documented in Ruhama’ Baynahum, third section (‘Uthmani).
Few incidents of the practical assistance in administrative matters from the Banu Hashim during the caliphate of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu will now be penned. Men of understanding and people with impartial temperaments may draw beautiful conclusions from these events.
It appears in Tabaqat Ibn Sa’d:
عن أبي الغيث قال سمعت أبا هرير لما ولى مروان بن الحكم المدينة لمعاوية بن أبي سفيان سنة اثنتين و أربعين في الأمرة الأولى استقضى عبد الله بن الحارث بن نوفل بن الحارث بن عبد المطلب بالمدينة فسمعت أبا هريرة يقول هذا أول قاض رأيته في الإسلام
Abu al Ghayth recalls that he heard Abu Hurayrah saying:
When Marwan ibn al Hakam assumed the post of governor over Madinah on behalf of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan, the year 42 for the first time, he appointed ‘Abdullah ibn al Harith ibn Nawfal ibn al Harith ibn ‘Abdul Muttalib (al Hashimi) as judge in Madinah.”
I heard Abu Hurayrah explaining, “This was the first judge I saw in Islam.”
قال ابن سعد غزا قثم بن عباس خراسان و عليها سعيد بن عثمان بن عفان … قال الزبير (بن بكار) سار قثم أيام معاوية مع سعيد بن عثمان إلى سمرقند فاستشهد بها
Ibn Sa’d says: Qutham ibn ‘Abbas waged war in Khorasan and the army general was Sa’id ibn ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan.
Zubair ibn Bakkar says: Qutham travelled during the days of Muawiyah with Sa’id ibn ‘Uthman (who was the army general) to Samarqand (to wage jihad) and was martyred in that land.
Shia clerics have written that Qutham ibn ‘Abbas ibn al Hashimi al Muttalibi served as governor over Makkah Mukarramah on behalf of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu. Then Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu was martyred. After some time, during the reign of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu, he participated in the Battle of Samarqand:
و استشهد بسمرقند في زمن معاوية
He was martyred in Samarqand during the reign of Muawiyah.
و وفد على معاوية و توجه غازيا إلى القسطنطنية في الجيش الذي كان أميره يزيد بن معاوية
He visited Muawiyah and went out as a warrior towards Constantinople in the army led by Yazid ibn Muawiyah.
It appears in volume eight of Ibn Kathir’s al Bidayah:
و لما توفي الحسن كان الحسين يفد إلى معاوية في كل عام فيعطيه و يكرمه و قد كان في الجيش الذين غزوا القسطنطنية مع ابن معاوية يزيد في سنة إحدى و خمسين
After the demise of Hassan, Hussain would pay annual visits to Muawiyah who would favour him with gifts and entertain him. Furthermore, he participated in the army who attacked Constantinople with Muawiyah’s son, Yazid, in the year 51 A.H.
Summary of the above Headings
After the year of unity, Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu stipulated allowances for Sayyidina Hassan, Sayyidina Hussain, and other Hashimi persons. They were favoured with gifts and presents on various occasions. From the year 41 A.H. until 60 A.H. up until the demise of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu, this practice was maintained diligently. No shortcoming existed during the caliphate of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu. Plenty of details on this issue have been penned by Sunni and Shia historians and biography writers. Presentation of all incidents will be a lengthy issue while our object is conciseness. Hence, a few quotes will be inserted as evidence for this topic.
فأعطاه أربع مائة ألف درهم و روى المبرد أن الحسن كان يفد كل سنة على معاوية فيصله بمائة ألف درهم
Muawiyah gifted 400 000 dirhams to Hassan.
Al Mubarrad narrates that every year, Hassan would visit Muawiyah, who used to favour him with 100 000 dirhams.
This is recorded in the following texts:
كان له (حسن بن علي) على معاوية في عام جائزة و كان يفد إليه فربما أجازه بأربعمائة ألف درهم و راتبه في سنة مائة ألف
He (Hassan ibn ‘Ali) had an annual stipend from Muawiyah and he would visit him annually. At times, the latter would favour the former with 400 000 dirhams and follow it up with 100 000 the same year.
Common incidents of this nature exist for both brothers (Sayyidina Hassan and Sayyidina Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhuma) while at some places, they are reported specifically about Sayyidina Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhu.
Sheikh ‘Ali Hajwiri Lahori rahimahu Llah (better known as Data Ganjbakhsh) writes a story in chapter 8 of Kashf al Mahjub:
Once a beggar approached Sayyidina Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhu saying: “O grandson of Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam! I am a poor person with a family to look after. Kindly give me some food for today.”
حسین وے را گفت بنشیں کہ مارا رزقی در راہ است تا بیازند بسے برنیآمد کہ پنج صرہ از دینار بیادردند از معاویہ اندر ہر صرہ ہزار دینار بود و گفتند کہ معاویہ از تو عذر می خواہد الخ
Sayyidina Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhu told him: “Wait a while. My allowance will reach me soon. When I receive it I will hand it over to you.”
After a little while, a messenger from Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu arrived with five bags (each containing 1000 gold coins). The messenger told Sayyidina Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhu that Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu apologizes that he had sent such a small amount, but that he should kindly accept it.
Sayyidina Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhu accepted it, handed it over to the beggar, and asked his apologies for giving him such a meagre amount.
Ibn Kathir speaks about stipends in the following passage, which the intellectuals should study:
فلما استقرت الخلافة لمعاوية كان الحسين يتردد إليه مع أخيه الحسن فيكرمهما معاوية إكراما زائدا و يقول لهما مرحبا و أهلا و سهلا و يعطيهما عطاء جزيلا و قد أطلق لهما في يوم واحد مائتي ألف (يعني في بعض الأيام)
After the caliphate settled in favour of Muawiyah, Hussain would visit him with his brother Hassan. Muawiyah would honour them extensively and welcome them saying, “Welcome, feel at home and at ease!” He would give them expensive gifts. On one occasion he gave them 200 000 dirhams.
إن معاوية كان يجيز في كل عام الحسن و الحسين و عبد الله بن عباس و عبد الله بن جعفر بن أبي طالب كل واحد منهم بألف ألف درهم
Muawiyah would award Hassan, Hussain, ‘Abdullah ibn ‘Abbas, and ‘Abdullah ibn Jafar ibn Abi Talib, each with 1 000 000 dirhams annually.
Ibn Abi al Hadid al Shia has reported the 1 million report in his commentary. He writes:
فإنه كان يجيز الحسن و الحسين ابني علي في كل عام لكل واحد منهما بألف ألف درهم و كذلك كان يجيز عبد الله بن العباس و عبد الله بن جعفر
He would favour Hassan and Hussain, the sons of ‘Ali, each with 1 million dirhams annually. Similarly, he would grant ‘Abdullah ibn al ‘Abbas and ‘Abdullah ibn Jafar (the same amount).
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Mulla Baqir Majlisi has narrated from Sayyidina Jafar al Sadiq rahimahu Llah:
از حضرت صادق علیہ السلام روایت کردہ است کہ روزے حضرت امام حسن بحضرت امام حسین و عبد اللہ بن جعفر فرمود کہ جائزہ ہاۓ معاویہ در روز اول ماہ بشما خواہد رسید چوں روز اول ماہ باشد چنانچہ حضرت فرمودہ بود اموال معاویہ رسید جناب امام حسن قرض بسیارے داشت از آنچہ او فرستادہ بود براۓ آنحضرت قرضہاۓ خود را ادا کرد و باقی را درمیان اہل بیت و شیعان خود قسمت کرد جناب امام حسین قرض خود را ادا کرد آنچہ ماندہ بود بسہ قسمت کرد یک حصہ را باہل بیت و شیعان خود داد و دو حصہ را براۓ عیال خود فرستاد وعبد اللہ بن جعفر قرض خود را ادا کرد الخ
One day, Imam Hassan told his brother Imam Hussain and his paternal cousin ‘Abdullah ibn Jafar that on the first date of the upcoming month, gifts and presents from the side of Amir Muawiyah will reach you. When the first date of the month came, an abundance of wealth reached from Amir Muawiyah and all three luminaries were given.
Imam Hassan had plenty of debt on his shoulders. He first settled his debt from that wealth and then divided the rest among his family and relatives and close friends.
Imam Hussain first settled his debt after which he divided the rest of the wealth into three parts. One third was given to his relatives and special supporters and two thirds were given to his family.
‘Abdullah ibn Jafar al Tayyar also fulfilled his debt.
Note: Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu gifted Sayyidina ‘Abdullah ibn Jafar al Tayyar radiya Llahu ‘anhu with 100 000 dirhams. This has been documented by Ibn ‘Inabah al Shia in ‘Umdat al Talib fi Ansab Al Abi Talib, pg. 38, under the offspring of Jafar Tayyar. Moreover, this is also mentioned in Nasikh al Tawarikh (Taraz al Mazhab Muzaffari volume) pg. 395, the biography of Zainab al Kubra. The incident is correct. ‘Abdullah did in fact obtain this gift and Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu sent it. However, the portrayal of the incident creates dislike and hatred for Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu and has been concocted to reach this goal, as is the famous statement of someone:
و لیکن قلم در کف دشمن است
However, the pen is in the enemy’s hand.
The same applies here.
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Sayyidina ‘Ali al Murtada’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu brother ‘Aqil ibn Abi Talib once visited Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu. They had a good chat whereafter the latter ordered that 100 000 dirhams be given to the former. The one entrusted this duty said to him:
قد أمرنا لك بمائة ألف فأعطاه المائة الألف
He (Muawiyah) has ordered us to give you 100 000. He thus gave him the amount.
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The following incident about Sayyidina Hussain’s radiya Llahu ‘anhu son, ‘Ali ibn al Hussain i.e. Zayn al ‘Abidin, has been recorded in Furu’ al Kafi:
استعمل معاوية مروان بن الحكم على المدينة و أمره أن يفرض لشباب قريش ففرض لهم فقال علي بن الحسين عليهما السلام فأتيته فقال ما اسمك فقلت علي بن الحسين ففرض لي فرجعت إلى أبي عليه السلام فأخبرته
Muawiyah appointed Marwan ibn al Hakam as governor over Madinah and instructed him to stipulate stipends for the youngsters of Quraysh. Accordingly, he stipulated for them.
‘Ali ibn al Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhuma says: I came to him. He asked me, “What is your name?”
“‘Ali ibn al Hussain,” I replied.
He thus stipulated for me a stipend after which I returned to my father radiya Llahu ‘anhu and informed him of it.
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The famous history book of the Shia Nasikh al Tawarikh; its ninth volume (called Taraz al Mazhab Muzaffari) has an incident that Amir Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu during his caliphate instructed the governor of Madinah (Marwan ibn al Hakam) to propose for the daughter of ‘Abdullah ibn Jafar al Tayyar for his son Yazid ibn Muawiyah, informing him that he will give a substantial amount of wealth as well as dowry, etc.
Marwan called ‘Abdullah ibn Jafar and encouraged him. ‘Abdullah handed over the affair to Sayyidina Hassan ibn ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhuma. After calling up a meeting, Sayyidina Hassan radiya Llahu ‘anhu said to Marwan:
ما چناں بصواب شمر دیم کہ زینب را بہ پسر عمش قاسم بن محمد بن جعفر کا بین بندم و اورا باقاسم تزویج کردم و کا بین اورا بقریہء کہ در مدینہ دارم و معاویہ در ازاۓ دہ ہزار دینار بمن دادہ است مقرر داشتم و زینب را اس مبلغ کفایت می کند
We have given her to our nephew (Qasim ibn Muhammad ibn Jafar) and we gave Zainab the dowry of a village in the vicinity of Madinah which Amir Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu favoured us with in lieu of 10 000 gold coins (Tala’i). This amount of dowry will be sufficient for Zainab.
This incident clearly mentions that Sayyidina Hassan radiya Llahu ‘anhu received from Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu along with other stipends, an exclusive village in the vicinity of Madinah Tayyibah which he utilised on this occasion as dowry for the marriage.
Points of the Above Headings:
The critics have with a concerted effort spread the propaganda among the masses that during his caliphate, with the command of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu, the lecturers would passionately insult and curse Sayyidina ‘Ali al Murtada radiya Llahu ‘anhu and his progeny on the pulpits, while the supporters of Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu listened on. Marwan would perpetrate this vile deed on the pulpit of al Masjid al Nabawi. To swear and ridicule the Nabi’s salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam close friends and family is an extremely wicked act indeed. This remained the practice throughout the era of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu.
The following are some presentations to answer this objection.
It is apparent that the target of this objection is Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu. However, at the same time, the governors and lecturers during the era of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu have also been made the target, whether they are Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum or not. Marwan ibn al Hakam has been singled out for ridicule in this matter.
Arguments will now be presented to remove this misconception.
Firstly, Attention initially needs to be given to analysing and scrutinising the reports from which the condemnations and criticisms of insulting and cursing have been deduced. If they meet the standards of authenticity and are not flawed, then defiantly using them as proof is correct and the criticisms deduced from them are accurate. However, if to the contrary, they do not meet the standards of authenticity and are proven false and worthless then the criticisms realised from them will also be worthless and false. After presenting this principle as an introduction, the reports will be reproduced after which their analysis will be penned, with extra points.
عن لوط بن يحيى قال كان الولاة من بني أمية قبل عمر بن عبد الغزيز يشتمون عليا فلما ولى عمر أمسك عن ذلك
Lut ibn Yahya says:
The governors of the Banu Umayyah prior to ‘Umar ibn ‘Abdul ‘Aziz would insult ‘Ali. When ‘Umar assumed the post of caliphate, he prohibited this.
This report is the personal statement of Lut ibn Yahya (Abu Mikhnaf). What type of person this man was will appear shortly.
و لست تاركا إيصاءك بخصلة لا تتحم عن شتم علي و ذمه و الترحم على عثمان و الاستغفار له و العيب على أصحاب علي و الإقصاء لهم و ترك الاستماع منهم … غير أنه لا يدع ذم علي و الوقوع فيه
I will not disremember advising you with a characteristic you will not omit; insulting and degrading ‘Ali and seeking mercy and forgiveness for ‘Uthman, criticising ‘Ali’s partisans, driving them away, and not listening to them.
The narrators adds: (Mughirah had good qualities) except that he would not desist from degrading and disparaging ‘Ali.
The narrator of this report is Hisham ibn Muhammad al Kalbi and Lut ibn Yahya Abu Mikhnaf. Their status will be appear shortly.
و لست تاركا إيصاءك بخصلة لا تترك شتم علي و ذمه و الترحم على عثمان و الاستغفار له و العيب لأصحاب علي و الإقصاء لهم
I will not neglect instructing you with a point you will not omit; insulting and degrading ‘Ali and seeking mercy and forgiveness for ‘Uthman, criticising ‘Ali’s partisans and driving them away.
The readers should be cognisant of the fact that this report of al Jazari is the very same report of al Tabari quoted above. They are not separate reports. Al Jazari cites from al Tabari. Due to this, his wording resemble the latter’s wording, with slight variation and it is documented in the beginning of the year 51 A.H.
Tarikh al Tabari being the source of al Kamil of Ibn Athir al Jazari is an accepted fact. ‘Allamah al Jazari has spelt this out in the introduction of his book, “I have relied upon al Tabari and obtained historical material from him.”
و لما كان (مروان) متوليا على المدينة لمعاوية كان يسب عليا كل جمعة على المنبر و قال له الحسن بن علي لقد لعن الله أباك الحكم و أنت في صلبه على لسان نبيه فقال (النبي) لعن الله الحكم و ما ولد والله أعلم
When Marwan was governor over Madinah for Muawiyah, he would curse ‘Ali every Friday on the pulpit. Hassan ibn ‘Ali said to him, “Certainly, Allah has cursed your father al Hakam, while you were in his loins, upon the tongue of His Nabi. Thus the Nabi salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam said, ‘May Allah curse al Hakam and his progeny.’” And Allah knows best.
There was a person by the name Muhammad ibn Yusuf al Thaqafi. He served as governor over Yemen in the era of Walid ibn ‘Abdul Malik i.e. 90 A.H. It is written about him:
كان يلعن عليا على المنابر
He would curse ‘Ali from the pulpit.
Aspects relating to these two reports of al Bidayah, and the above reports of Ibn Sa’d, al Tabari, and al Jazari will be presented is sequence. Reflect deeply over them and mix a little justice as well, if available.
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أبو مخنف لوط ابن يحيى هالك لا يوثق به ضعيف ليس بشيء شيعي محترق صاحب أخبارهم
تركوه و هو أخباري متروك رافضي ليس بثقة لا يوثق به
They have discarded him. He is an Akhbari. Matruk (suspected of hadith forgery). A rafidi. He is unreliable. He should not be trusted.
The inclusion of the report in one copy and its absence from another, makes it doubtful according to the author. Furthermore, al Tabari did not record this narration at this juncture. The author of al Bidayah i.e. Ibn Kathir passed away in 774 A.H. how can an eighth century historian’s narration be accepted which has no basis or source, which casts the action of the respected Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum in a bad light.
Secondly, Ibn Hajar Makki, in Tathir al Jinan, has thoroughly criticised the report of cursing taking place on the pulpit of Madinah. He writes:
و جوابه أنه لم يصح عنه شيء من ذلك كما ستعلمه مما سأذكره إن كل ما فيه نحو ذلك في سنده علة
The answer to it is that nothing of this sort is authentic as you will soon learn from what I will shortly pen. Indeed, every report in this regard has a flaw in the chain.
Moreover, it is worthy to mention here that two aspects were encompassed in the report. One was Marwan publicly insulting Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu on the pulpit. Secondly, Imam Hassan radiya Llahu ‘anhu cursing Marwan and his father, through the prophetic tongue. Both these aspects are erroneous.
Discussions on clearing the misconception around Marwan will appear shortly where an analysis of the hadith of curse upon Marwan will be brought.
The summary is that the above reports of Ibn Sa’d, al Tabari, al Jazari, etc., are criticised according to the rules of the science of hadith scrutiny and are baseless. They cannot be used as proof. Therefore, criticism cannot be established on their basis. More points on their baselessness will appear in the upcoming lines.
Secondly, before presenting this point, the esteemed readers should remember well that according to us, neither are the reports which speak of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu or Marwan insulting and disparaging Sayyidina ‘Ali or Sayyidina Hassan and Sayyidina Hussain radiya Llahu ‘anhum correct; nor are those reports correct which mention the curses and insults of the latter for Sayyidina Muawiyah or his other supporters among the Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum. We do not accept the mutual insulting and cursing of the senior Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum from these reports. This is totally false.
After clarifying our stance and viewpoint, we submit that if hypothetically, the past reports are accepted according to the critics, then as an equivalent for that, some reports portraying the opposite image are documented in books which may be presented as a silence this issue once and for all. Those reports affirm that Sayyidina ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu and his supporters would always insult and curse Sayyidina Muawiyah, Sayyidina ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhuma, and their partisans. They began this practice and the other party acted in answer to it. The following sources should be studied:
There are many reports of this nature. However, if evaluation of this issue is the object, then this amount is sufficient. This was simply mentioned to indict the other party. Otherwise, with regards the disputes among the Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum, our stance is the same as the majority of the Ahlus Sunnah wa l-Jama’ah and the pious predecessors i.e. all the Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum are deserving of the highest respect and honour from us. We do not regard as correct, speaking negatively of any of them, and we declare the entire pile of such reports inauthentic and false. They are historical rubbish, unreliable.
Thirdly, the issue of insulting and cursing has come to the table of discussion. While discussing it, as a rule of thumb, something will be highlighted briefly, which will prove beneficial to the readers. The senior scholars are already aware of this, and are not in need of it.
The status and honour of the noble Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum, their sincerity, integrity, noble practices, and immaculate character is established from the Book of Allah and the authentic Sunnah. On the basis of this, if any reports are found of insulting and cursing, etc., they will be weak, criticised, baseless, and unworthy of perusal.
If they have authentic chains, then the meaning of insulting and cursing will be subject to interpretation. The report will be interpreted since the words sabb and shatam are not only used for insulting and swearing, but at many junctures they refer to harshness in speech, bluntness, pointing out the faults of the addressee, and highlighting the defects and shortcomings of one another. Have a look at few examples of this:
هل مسستما من مائها شيئا فقالا نعم فسبهما رسول الله صلى الله عليه و سلم و قال لهما ما شاء الله أن يقول
“Did you touch any of the water?” They replied in the affirmative.
Rasulullah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam spoke harshly to them and said to them what Allah desired he say.
إن عمر بن الخطاب قال يوم الخندق و جعل يسب كفار قريش قال يا رسول الله ما كدت أصلي العصر إلخ
On the Day of Khandaq, ‘Umar ibn al Khattab began using harsh words for the kuffar. He said, “O Messenger of Allah, I was not able to perform ‘Asr.”
In some narrations, aspects on ta’n (criticism) and qadh (disparagement) are reported. If a suitable interpretation or meaning can be found, it will be. However, if a correct interpretation cannot be made, then the report will not be accepted and the respect and honour for the noble Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum will be upheld in every situation.
This topic with its details could be studied in the following books:
The essence of the above is that we have presented a few points about this criticism levelled against Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu. Keeping them in mind, you decide for yourself with impartiality whether this objection is correct or not. Is it correct to rely on baseless narrations and broadcast misconceptions among the masses?
If one party criticised or objected to another party at few occasions (which is possible at times) then to label it as continuous insulting and cursing is pure prejudice. To display the image of expletives being uttered constantly from the pulpits is not only discrimination, but rather indicates animosity and antagonism. May Allah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam protect us all from harbouring antagonism and rancour for all the noble Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum.
Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu was a close relative of Sayyidina ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu. During the ‘Uthmani era, he was tasked with the responsibilities of a huge city. Then he assumed the post of caliphate, he served the din and made marvellous religious achievements. He kept strong relations with the Banu Hashim. During his reign, the Muslims and Islam advanced considerably. To display the correct image of this, a vast register is needed. Nonetheless, we highlighted few superb aspects of that era through which the personality and conduct of Sayyidina Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhu can be understood properly.
The image which the critics have displayed of that era, that it brought about the destruction of the Islamic system and was the source of fitan and calamities; the reality of this has opened before you. The balance of justice is now in your hands. You evaluate and reach a conclusion by yourself.
 Minhaj al Karamah fi Ithbat al Imamah, pg. 67, accusations against ‘Uthman, Lahore print, at the end of Minhaj al Sunnah of Ibn Taymiyyah.
 Nasab Quraysh, pg. 124, the offspring of Abu Sufyan.
 Nasab Quraysh, pg. 125, the offspring of Abu Sufyan; al Isabah, vol. 4 pg. 409, biography of Hind ibn ‘Utbah.
 Usd al Ghabah, vol. 4 pg. 385, biography of Muawiyah; al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 117, biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; Tarikh Baghdad, vol. 1 pg. 207, biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; Nasab Quraysh, pg. 124, the offspring of Abu Sufyan ibn Harb; Kitab Duwal al Islam, vol. 1 pg. 28, the year 60 A.H., Hyderabad Dakkan print; Tahdhib al Asma’ wa l-Lughat, vol. 2 pg. 102, biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; Tarikh al Islam, vol. 2 pg. 318, biography of Muawiyah.
 Nasab Quraysh, pg. 123 – 124, the offspring of Abu Sufyan ibn Harb; Tabaqat Ibn Sa’d, vol. 8 pg. 68 – 69, biography of Umm Habibah (Ramlah bint Abi Sufyan), Leiden print, Europe.
 Kitab al Muhabbar, pg. 102, Hyderabad Dakkan print.
 Al Isabah, vol. 3 pg. 58, 59, biography of ‘Abdullah ibn al Harith ibn Nawfal; al Isabah, vol. 4 pg. 409, biography of Hind bint Abi Sufyan ibn Harb; Tahdhib al Tahdhib, vol. 5 pg. 181, biography of ‘Abdullah ibn al Harith; Tabaqat Ibn Sa’d, vol. 5 pg. 15, biography of ‘Abdullah, Leiden print.
 Nasab Quraysh, pg. 57, the children of Hussain ibn ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib; Tarikh Khalifah ibn Khayyat, vol. 1 pg. 255, the year 61 A.H., the murder of Hussain and his companions.
 Kitab al Muhabbar, pg. 441; Nasab Quraysh, pg. 133, the children of ‘Utbah ibn Abi Sufyan; footnotes of ‘Umdat al Talib fi Ansab Al Abi Talib of Ibn ‘Inabah (Shia author), the children of Jafar ibn Abi Talib, Najaf print, Iraq.
 Kitab al Muhabbar, pg. 449.
 Al Tarikh al Kabir, vol. 4 pg. 327, section one, discussion on Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan, Hyderabad Dakkan print; Al Tarikh al Kabir, vol. 3 pg. 240, section one, chapter on ‘Abdur Rahman; Tabaqat Ibn Sa’d, vol. 7 pg. 136, section two, under ‘Abdur Rahman ibn ‘Umairah al Muzani; Jami’ al Tirmidhi, book on virtues, pg. 547, chapter on the merits of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan, Asah al Matabi’ old print, Lucknow; Tarikh Baghdad, vol. 1 pg. 208, biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; Usd al Ghabah, vol. 4 pg. 386, biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan, Tehran print; al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 121, with reference to al Tabarani, Imam Ahmed and others, under the biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; al Fath al Rabbani li Tartib Musnad al Imam Ahmed ibn Hambal al Shaybani, vol. 22 pg. 356, chapter on the reports concerning Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan.
 Al Tarikh al Kabir, vol. 4 pg. 328, section one, the biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan, Hyderabad Dakkan print.
 Al Tarikh al Kabir, vol. 4 pg. 327, section one, the biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; Majma’ al Zawa’id, vol. 9 pg. 356, chapter on the reports concerning Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan.
 Al Isti’ab with al Isabah, vol. 3 pg. 381, biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; Mawarid al Zam’an, pg. 566, chapter on Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 120, with reference to Ahmed and Ibn Jarir, biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; al Fath al Rabbani, vol. 22 pg. 356, chapter on the reports concerning Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan.
 Al Tarikh al Kabir, vol. 4 pg. 180, section 2, chapter on Wahshi (al Habashi) the freed slave of Jubayr ibn Mut’im.
 Al Bidayah, vol. 5 pg. 107, Rasulullah’s salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam despatch of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib and Khalid ibn al Walid to Yemen prior to the Farewell Pilgrimage, with reference to Imam Ahmed.
 Al Isti’ab with al Isabah, vol. 3 pg. 375, biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; Zad al Ma’ad, vol. 1 pg. 30, section on his salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam scribes; al Isabah, vol. 3 pg. 312, Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; Majma’ al Zawa’id, vol. 9 pg. 357, chapter on Muawiyah; Jawami’ al Sirah, pg. 27, under the heading, his salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam scribes.
 Al Sunan al Kubra of al Bayhaqi, vol. 3 pg. 26, chapter on witr, Hyderabad Dakkan print.
 Sahih al Bukhari, vol. 1 pg. 531, chapter on Muawiyah, Nur Muhammadi print, Delhi; al Isabah with al Isti’ab, vol. 3 pg. 413, biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; Usd al Ghabah, vol. 4 pg. 386, biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan.
 Musnad Ahmed, vol. 4 pg. 95, musnadat of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan.
 Al Tarikh al Kabir, vol. 4 pg. 327, biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; Tarikh al Tabari, vol. 6 pg. 188, the year 60 A.H., end of discussion on Muawiyah; al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 135, Amir Muawiyah, referenced to Muhaddith ‘Abdur Razzaq; al Isabah, vol. 3 pg. 413, biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan.
 Musannaf ‘Abdur Razzaq, vol. 2 pg. 414, chapter on salah in the maqsurah, Majlis ‘Ilmi print, Karachi-Dabhel.
 Musnad Ahmed, vol. 4 pg. 97, the hadith of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan, first edition, Egypt.
 A’lam al Muqi’in, vol. 1 pg. 5, beginning sections, Ashraf al Matabi’ print, Delhi; Tadreeb al Rawi Sharh Taqrib al Nawawi, pg. 404, discussion on the one to issue the most fatwa from them is Ibn ‘Abbas; Jawami’ al Sirah, pg. 320, third article, the Sahabah proficient in fatwa.
 Al Isabah, vol. 3 pg. 412, biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; Usd al Ghabah, vol. 4 pg. 387, biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; Tahdhib al Asma’ wa l-Lughat, vol. 2 pg. 102 – 103, Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; Jawami’ al Sirah, pg. 277, second article, companions of water and thing.
[I] Futuh al Buldan, pg. 123, the issue of Jordan, Egypt print.
[II] Futuh al Buldan, pg. 147, 149, the issue of Palestine, Egypt print.
[III] Futuh al Buldan, pg. 149, the issue of Palestine, Egypt print.
[IV] Sahih al Bukhari, vol. 1 pg. 410, book on jihad, chapter on what was said regarding fighting the Romans, Nur Muhammadi print, Delhi; Sahih al Bukhari, vol. 1 pg. 391, book on jihad, chapter on supplicating for jihad and martyrdom; Sahih Muslim, vol. 2 pg. 141 – 142, book on leadership, chapter on the virtue of war at sea, Nur Muhammadi print, Delhi.
 Tarikh Khalifah ibn Khayyat, vol. 1 pg. 135, the year 28 A.H.; Nasab Quraysh, pg. 124, the offspring of Abu Sufyan ibn Harb; al Bidayah, vol. 6 pg. 229, biography of Yazid ibn Muawiyah; Futuh al Buldan, pg. 160, the affair of Cyprus.
 Futuh al Buldan, pg. 160 – 161, the issue of Cyprus.
 Al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 133, biography of Muawiyah.
 Kitab Duwal al Islam, vol. 1 pg. 28, the year 60 A.H., Da’irat al Ma’arif print, Dakkan.
 Tarikh al Tabari, vol. 13 pg. 35 – 36, list of those who died or were killed in 80 A.H.; al Isabah with al Isti’ab, pg. 275, biography of Kurz ibn ‘Alqamah ibn Hilal; Tabaqat Ibn Sa’d, vol. 5 pg. 338, biography of Kurz ibn ‘Alqamah ibn Hilal, Leiden print.
 Mishkat, pg. 324, second section, chapter on the lenience binding upon the authorities; Sunan Abi Dawood, vol. 2 pg. 53, book on kharaj.
 Kitab al Kuna, vol. 1 pg. 54, Abu Maryam al Azdi.
 Minhaj al Sunnah, vol. 3 pg. 189, answers to ‘Uthmani allegations.
 Minhaj al Sunnah, vol. 3 pg. 185; al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 134, biography of Muawiyah.
 Tarikh al Islam, vol. 2 pg. 321, mention of Muawiyah; al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 133, biography of Muawiyah, first edition, Egypt.
 Duwal al Islam, vol. 1 pg. 15, the caliphate of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib.
 Minhaj al Sunnah, vol. 3 pg. 185; al Muntaqa, pg. 388, Egypt print.
 Kitab al Mujtaba of Imam of literature and language Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn al Hassan ibn Durayd al Azdi al Basri d. 321 A.H. in Baghdad, pg. 39, discussion on Muawiyah, Da’irat al Ma’arif print, Dakkan.
 Kitab al Mujtaba, pg. 41, Hyderabad Dakkan print, discussion on Muawiyah; Siyar A’lam al Nubala’, vol. 3 pg. 102, biography of Muawiyah; Tarikh al Islam, vol. 3 pg. 322, under Muawiyah.
 Tarikh al Islam, vol. 2 pg. 322, under Muawiyah; Tathir al Jinan wa l-Lisan with al Sawa’iq al Muhriqah, pg. 27, Egypt print, second edition.
 Minhaj al Sunnah, vol. 3 pg. 185, the seventh reason, discussion on the virtues of Muawiyah; al Muntaqa, pg. 388, under praise of the Imams for Muawiyah, his judgements, and biography; Siyar A’lam al Nubala’, vol. 3 pg. 100, biography of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan.
 Al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 141, under Amir Muawiyah.
 Al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 119, the year 60 A.H., mention of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan.
 Al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 126, mention of Muawiyah.
 Al Muntaqa, pg. 388, Egypt print.
 A compromise was reached by Sayyidina ‘Ali al Murtada and Sayyidina Amir Muawiyah radiya Llahu ‘anhuma in the year 40 A.H. A small quotation is reproduced hereunder for the satisfaction of the scholarly fraternity:
و في هذه السنة (سنة 40 ه) جرت بين علي و معاوية المهادنة بعد مكاتبات يطول ذكرها على وضع الحرب بينهما و أن يكون ملك العراق لعلي و لمعاوية الشام و لا يدخل أحدهما على صاحبه في عمله بجيش و لا غارة و لا غزوة … و أمسك كل واحد منهما عن قتال الآخر و بعث الجيوش إلى بلاده و استقر الأمر على ذلك
In this year (40 A.H.), an agreement was reached between ‘Ali and Muawiyah after much correspondences, mention of which will be a lengthy matter, to terminate war between them and that the country of Iraq will be for ‘Ali and the Sham region for Muawiyah. Moreover, none of the two will interfere in the affairs of the other, neither with an army, nor attack, nor battle. Each of them refrained from fighting the other. He sent the armies to his land and the decision was endorsed. (Tarikh al Tabari, vol. 6 pg. 81, the year 40 A.H.; al Bidayah, vol. 7 pg. 322, with reference to Ibn Jarir, the year 40 A.H.)
 Tarikh Ibn ‘Asakir Kamil, vol. 1 pg. 330, Damascus print; Talkhis Ibn ‘Asakir of Ibn Badran ‘Abdul Qadir ibn Ahmed, commonly known as Ibn Badran al Dimashqi, vol. 1 pg. 73, chapter on the reported statements of the impartial regarding those people of Sham who were killed at Siffin.
 Tarikh Ibn ‘Asakir Kamil, vol. 1 pg. 330, Damascus print; Talkhis Ibn ‘Asakir, vol. 1 pg. 73, same chapter as above, first edition; Minhaj al Sunnah, vol. 3 pg. 61; al Muntaqa, pg. 335, Egypt print.
 Talkhis Ibn ‘Asakir, vol. 1 pg. 74, chapter on the reported statements of the impartial regarding those people of Sham who were killed at Siffin, first edition.
 Musannaf Ibn Abi Shaybah, vol. 4 pg. 1036, chapter on the reports on Siffin, (Qilmi) Pir Jhanda Sindh; Majma’ al Zawa’id, vol. 9 pg. 357, with reference to al Tabarani, chapter on the reports concerning Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan; Kanz al ‘Ummal, vol. 6 pg. 87, the incident of al Siffin, first edition; Siyar A’lam al Nubala’, vol. 3 pg. 95, biography of Muawiyah.
 Musannaf Ibn Abi Shaybah, vol. 4 pg. 1013, chapter on Jamal, Qilmi from the library Pir Jhanda Sindh; al Sunan al Kubra of al Bayhaqi, vol. 8 pg. 173, book on fighting the rebels, Dakkan print; al Jami’ li Ahkam al Qur’an (Tafsir al Qurtubi), vol. 16 pg. 324, under the verse: create unity between your brothers, Surah al Hujurat, 26 Juz.
 ‘Abdullah ibn Jafar al Himyari al Shia from the scholars of the third generation: Qurb al Isnad, pg. 45, old print, Iran.
 Tarikh Ibn ‘Asakir Kamil, vol. 1 pg. 329, Damascus print, 1371 A.H. 1951 edition; Tahdhib Ibn ‘Asakir, vol. 1 pg. 73, chapter on the reported statements of the impartial regarding those people of Sham who were killed at Siffin.
 Minhaj al Sunnah, vol. 3 pg. 61, under the heading: the predecessors have stated that Allah commanded to beg Allah to forgive the ummah of Muhammad salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam and the Rafidah swore them; al Muntaqa, pg. 335, Egypt print, 1374 A.H. edition.
 Qurb al Isnad, pg. 45, with other articles, Iran print, old edition.
 Musaddis Hali, pg. 25.
 Sharh al Mawaqif, vol. 8 pg. 374, under seventh objective, Egypt print.
 Maktubat Imam Rabbani, vol. 1 pg. 272 – 273, first register, fourth section, maktub 251, old edition, Nawl Kashawr Lucknow print, new print Lahore, pg. 67 – 68, fourth, fifth, sixth section, Nur company, Lahore.
 Sharh al Maqasid, vol. 2 pg. 223, seventh discussion, the adherents of the truth are unanimous, Istanbul print.
 Sharh Fiqh al Akbar, pg. 82, Mujtaba’i print, Delhi.
 Fath al Qadir Sharh Hidayah, vol. 5 pg. 461, with ‘Inayah, book on the etiquette of a judge, Egypt print.
 Maktubat Imam Rabbani, vol. 1 pg. 273, old edition, Nawl Kashawr, Lucknow, maktub 251, to Molana Muhammad Ashraf, first register, fourth section, Nur company, Lahore, pg. 68 – 69.
 Nahj al Balaghah, vol. 2 pg. 114, his letter to the city dwellers, Egypt print, with footnotes of ‘abdah; al Durrah al Najafiyyah Sharh Nahj al Balaghah, pg. 344, old Iran print, under the above text.
 Musannaf ‘Abdur Razzaq, vol. 11 pg. 249, chapter on Sham; Tarikh Ibn ‘Asakir Kamil, vol. 1 pg. 323, Damascus print, chapter on the prohibition of cursing the people of Sham; al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 20, chapter on mention of Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan and his dominion.
 Mishkat, pg. 582 – 583, with reference to Ahmed, chapter on mention of the people of Yemen and Sham; Majma’ al Zawa’id wa Manba’ al Fawa’id, vol. 10 pg. 62, chapter on the reports on the abdal and that they are in Sham.
 Nahj al Balaghah, vol. 1 pg. 420, from his speech prohibiting cursing the people of Sham, Egypt print.
 Al Akhbar al Tiwal, pg. 165, the Battle of Siffin, Cairo print, Egypt.
 Al Amali.
 Sahih al Bukhari, vol. 1 pg. 530, chapter on the merits of Hassan and Hussain.
 Tarikh Khalifah ibn Khayyat, vol. 1 pg. 187, the year 41 A.H., the year of unity.
 Al Mustadrak, vol. 3 pg. 174, the reconciliation between Hassan and Muawiyah.
 Al Sunan al Kubra, vol. 8 pg. 173, book on fighting the rebels; Hilyat al Auliya’, vol. 2 pg. 37, biography of Sayyidina Hassan ibn ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib.
 Abu ‘Amr al Kashshi: Rijal al Kashshi, pg. 72, under the biography of Qais ibn Sa’d ibn ‘Ubadah, Mumbai print, India, pg. 102, new edition, Tehran print; Bihar al Anwar, vol. 10 pg. 122 – 124, chapter on the manner of Hassan ibn ‘Ali’s reconciliation, old Iran print.
 Furu’ al Kafi, vol. 3 pg. 153, Kitab al Rawdah, Lucknow print; Furu’ al Kafi, vol. 2 pg. 252, new Tehran print, with Persian translation.
 Jala’ al ‘Uyun, pg. 292, while speaking about the reconciliation of the second Imam with Muawiyah.
 Al Akhbar al Tiwal, pg. 220, discussion on allegiance of caliphate to Muawiyah and Ziyad ibn Abih, Cairo print, Egypt, 1960 print.
 Al Akhbar al Tiwal, pg. 225, discussion between Muawiyah and ‘Amr ibn al ‘As, Cairo print, Egypt.
 Tabaqat Ibn Sa’d, vol. 5 pg. 13, under ‘Abdullah ibn Nawfal; Tarikh al Tabari, vol. 6 pg. 98, the year 42 A.H.; Usd al Ghabah, vol. 3 pg. 269, biography of ‘Abdullah ibn Nawfal ibn al Harith ibn ‘Abdul Muttalib, Tehran print.
 Tabaqat Ibn Sa’d, vol. 7 pg. 101, biography of Qutham ibn ‘Abbas ibn ‘Abdul Muttalib, Leiden print; Nasab Quraysh, pg. 27, mention of the offspring of ‘Abbas ibn ‘Abdul Muttalib; Usd al Ghabah, vol. 4 pg. 197, biography of Qutham ibn ‘Abbas; Siyar A’lam al Nubala’, vol. 3 pg. 292, biography of Qutham ibn ‘Abbas.
 Ibn Maytham al Bahrani al Shia: Sharh Nahj al Balaghah, vol. 5 pg. 72, the text of his letter radiya Llahu ‘anhu to Qutham ibn ‘Abbas who was his governor over Makkah, new Tehran print.
 Tahdhib Tarikh Ibn ‘Asakir, 4 pg. 311, biography of Hussain ibn ‘Ali.
 Al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 150 – 151, mention of Hussain’s journey to Iraq and the manner of his martyrdom.
 Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq, vol. 4 pg. 200, biography of Hassan ibn ‘Ali, first old print.
 Al Isabah, vol. 1 pg. 329, biography of Hassan ibn ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib; al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 37, biography of Hassan; al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 41 – 42, biography of Hassan; al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 137, biography of Amir Muawiyah.
 Sheikh ‘Ali ibn ‘Uthman al Ghaznawi al Hajwiri then Lahori (d. 456 A.H.): Kashf al Mahjub, pg. 92-93, chapter 8, mention of their Imams from the Ahlul Bayt, Samarqand print.
 Al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 150 – 151, the incident of Hussain and the reason from him departing from Makkah to Iraq, Egypt print, first edition.
 Abu Mansur ‘Abdul Malik ibn Muhammad al Tha’alabi (d. 429 A.H.) Lata’if al Ma’arif, pg. 21 – 22, Egypt print.
 Sharh Nahj al Balaghah Hadidi, vol. 15 pg. 25, old print, Beirut print, vol. 3 pg. 705 – 706, discussion on the comparison between the generosity of the kings of the Banu Umayyah and the kings of the Banu Hashim.
 Jala’ al ‘Uyun, pg. 270, chapter on the nusus of imamah and the miracles of Imam Hassan, Tehran print, 1334 A.H. print.
 Al Amali, vol. 2 pg. 334, Najaf Ashraf Iraq print,
 Furu’ al Kafi, vol. 2 pg. 262, book on ‘aqiqah, chapter on names and agnomens, Nawl Kashawr Lucknow print, old edition; Nasikh al Tawarikh, vol. 11 pg. 40, book 2, Marwan’s dialogue with that person.
 Nasikh al Tawarikh, vol. 9 pg. 380, (Taraz al Mazhab Muzaffari), while speaking of ‘Abdullah ibn Jafar’s excuse to Muawiyah and his story with Muawiyah and Yazid, old Iran print, 1315 A.H. print.
 Tabaqat Ibn Sa’d, vol. 5 pg. 291, biography of ‘Umar ibn ‘Abdul ‘Aziz.
 Tarikh al Tabari, vol. 6 pg. 141 – 142, the beginning of year 51 A.H., mention of the cause of Hujr ibn ‘Adi’s killing.
 Al Kamil, vol. 3 pg. 234, the beginning of year 51 A.H.
 Al Bidayah, vol. 8 pg. 259, biography of Marwan ibn al Hakam, first edition, Egypt.
 Al Bidayah, vol. 9 pg. 80, the year 90 A.H.
 Al Mughni, vol. 2 pg. 807, under Abu Mikhnaf; Mizan al I’tidal, vol. 2 pg. 360, under Lut ibn Yahya, old Egypt print; Lisan al Mizan, vol. 4 pg. 492, under Lut ibn Yahya, Dakkan print.
 Al Mughni, vol. 2 pg. 711, under Hisham ibn Muhammad al Kalbi; Mizan al I’tidal, vol. 3 pg. 256, under Hisham; Lisan al Mizan, vol. 6 pg. 196 – 197, under Hisham.
 Ahmed ibn Hajar al Haytami al Makki: Tathir al Jinan wa l-Lisan, pg. 26, section 2 (printed at the end of al Sawa’iq al Muhriqah), note 4 from Sheikh al Islam wa l-Huffaz, Egypt print, new edition.
 Al Muwatta’, chapter on joining two salahs at home and while on journey; Musannaf ‘Abdur Razzaq, vol. 2 pg. 546, Beirut print.
 Jami’ al Tirmidhi, vol. 1 pg. 53, chapter on the report of a person who missed a salah, with which should he begin, old print.
 Sahih al Bukhari, vol. 2 pg. 575, book on battles, chapter on the hadith of Banu Nadir and Rasulullah’s salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam advancement upon them, Nur Muhammadi print, Delhi; Sahih al Bukhari, vol. 2 pg. 1085, book on adherence, chapter on the reprehensibility of becoming absorbed, disputing, and extremism in din, Nur Muhammadi print, Delhi.Back to top