Section Three: The Influence of the Saba’iyyah in the Second Fitnah

Second Two: His Policies of Ruling
July 28, 2020
Rather, Misguided! A Response To Tijani’s ‘Then I was Guided’
February 9, 2017

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Section Three: The Influence of the Saba’iyyah in the Second Fitnah


Any person who studies history with the eye of impartiality will understand without a shadow of doubt that the embarking of the Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum to Basrah, whether they be Aisha, Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhum, or ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu, was not with the intent of engaging in warfare. Their embarking was merely with the intention of bringing about reform, as is reported in the narrations.

Hence, when ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu sent al Qa’qa’ ibn ‘Amr radiya Llahu ‘anhu to reason with the people of Jamal he said to Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhuma:


إني سألت أم المؤمنين، ما أشخصها وأقدمها هذه البلاد؟ فقالت: إصلاح بين الناس، فما تقولون أنتما؟ أمتابعان أم مخالفان؟ قالا: متابعان، قال: فأخبراني ما وجه هذا الإصلاح؟ قالا: فتلة عثمان رضي الله عنه، فإن هذا إن ترك كان تركا للقرآن وإن عمل به كان إحياء للقرآن.

I asked Umm al Mu’minin what had compelled her to come out and brought her to these regions.

She said, “Bringing about reform between the people.”

So, what do the two of you say? Are you in agreement with her or disagreement?

They replied, “In agreement.”

He thus said, “Tell me then, what is the way to bring about this reform?”

They said, “The murderers of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu. If this is left it will constitute leaving the Qur’an and if it is executed it will constitute reviving the Qur’an.”[1]


Likewise, when Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhu was asked regarding their march to Basrah he said:


ننهض الناس فيدرك بهذا الدم لئلا يبطل، فإن في أبطاله توهين سلطان الله بيننا أبدا، إذا لم يفطم الناس عن أمثاله لم يبق إمام إلا قتله هذا الضرب

We will induce the people so that the retribution for this blood is taken so that it does not become null. For annulling it will lead to weakening the authority of Allah amidst us forever. If the people are not weaned off from doing such crimes there will remain no Imam but that this group of people will kill him.[2]


Similarly, when the opinion of Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhuma finally settled upon embarking to Basrah they came to Aisha radiya Llahu ‘anha and said to her:


يا أم المؤمنين دعي المدينة-وكانت تريد الذهاب إليها- فإن من معنا لا يقرنون لتلك الغوغاء التى بها، واشخصي معنا إلى البصرة، فإن أصلح الله الأمر كان الذي تريدين

O Umm al Mu’minin leave Madinah (she was planning on going there), for those who are with us surely cannot compare with the riffraff who are present there. Come with us to Basrah, if Allah brings about reform what you want will happen.[3]


Ibn Abi Shaybah has also narrated that when Aisha radiya Llahu ‘anha reached one of the waters of the Banu ‘Amir the dogs started barking at her:


إي ماء هذا؟ قالوا: ماء الحوأب. فوقفت فقالت: ما أظنني إلا راجعة، فقال لها طلحة والزبير: مهلا رحمك الله، بل تقدمين فيراك المسلمون فيصلح الله ذات بينهم

She thus asked, “What water is this?”

They replied, “The water of Haw’ab.”[4]

She stopped and said, “I don’t think of myself but as returning?”

So Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhuma said to her, “Be patient, may Allah have mercy on you. Instead you will come and the Muslims will see you and because of your presence Allah will bring about reform and unity between them.”[5]


And al Bayhaqi has narrated that when Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhu intended to return to Madinah, his son approached him and said:


مالك؟ قال: ذكرني علي حديثا سمعته من رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم وإني راجع، فقال له ابنه: وهل جئت لقتال؟ إنما جئت تصلح بين الناس، ويصلح الله هذا الأمر

“What is the matter with you?”

He replied, “‘Ali reminded me of a hadith which I heard from Nabi salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam and I am returning.”

His son thus said to him, “Have you come to fight? You have merely come to bring about reform between the people so that Allah subhanahu wa ta ‘ala rectifies this matter.”[6]


Similarly, when Aisha radiya Llahu ‘anha reached Basrah and ‘Uthman ibn Hunayf radiya Llahu ‘anhu, the governor of Basrah, received the news from ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu of her travelling, he sent her a message asking her regarding the reason for her travel. She replied thusly:


إن الغوغاء من أهل الأمصار ونزاع القبائل غزوا حرم رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم وأحدثوا فيه الأحداث وأووا فيه المحدثين واستوجبوا فيه لعنة الله ولعنة رسوله، مع ما نالوه من قتل أمير المسلمين بلا ترة ولا عذر، فاستحلوا الدم الحرام فسفكوه، وانتهبوا المال الحرام، وأحلوا البلد الحرام والشهر الحرام… فخرجت في المسلمين أعلمهم ما أتى هؤلاء القوم، وما فيه الناس وراءنا، وما ينبغي لهم أن يأتوا في إصلاح هذا، وقرأت  لَّا خَيْرَ فِي كَثِيرٍ مِّن نَّجْوَاهُمْ إِلَّا مَنْ أَمَرَ بِصَدَقَةٍ أَوْ مَعْرُوفٍ أَوْ إِصْلَاحٍ بَيْنَ النَّاس  ننهض في الإصلاح ممن أمر الله عزوجل وأمر رسوله صلى الله عليه وسلم الصغير والكبير والذكر والأنثى، فهذا شأننا إلى معروف نأمركم به ونحضكم عليه، ومنكر ننهاكم عنه ونحثكم على تغييره

Indeed, the riffraff of the various cities and the strangers living within the various tribes launched an attack on the sanctuary of Nabi salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam, perpetrated therein evils, and gave refuge therein to the perpetrators. Thereby they have made incumbent upon themselves the curse of Allah and the curse of his Rasul. Together with that they murdered the leader of the Muslims without any blame or valid excuse; they violated sacred blood and shed it, they looted sanctified wealth, and desecrated the holy city and the holy month. Therefore, I came out to the Muslims in order to inform them of what these people have done and what is the situation of those whom we have left behind and of what they should be doing to remedy this situation. She then read: No good is there in much of their private conversation, except for those who enjoin charity or what is right or conciliation between people. We will motivate to bring about reform, from those regarding who Allah and His Rasul have ordered, the young and the old, and the male and the female. This is our condition; we order to implement good and encourage you to do so and we prevent you from evil and encourage you to change it.[7]


And Ibn Hibban has narrated that Aisha radiya Llahu ‘anha wrote to Abu Musa al Ash’ari, the governor of Kufah, the following letter:


إنه قد كان من أمر عثمان ما قد علمت، وقد خرجت مصلحة بين الناس، فمر من قبلكم بالقرار في منازلهم والرضا بالعافية حتى يأتيهم ما يحبون من صلاح أمر المسلمين

You have come to learn of what happened to ‘Uthman, and I have come out in order to bring about reform between the people. So, tell those who are by you to stay in their houses and be happy with wellbeing till what they love, the reform of the matter of the Muslims, comes to them.[8]


Similarly, when ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu reached Basrah he came to Aisha radiya Llahu ‘anha and said to her, “May Allah forgive you.” She replied, “And you as well. I had not intended but reform.”[9]

Likewise, when ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu induced Qa’qa’ to bring about conciliation with the people of Jamal he first started with Aisha radiya Llahu ‘anha and asked her regarding the reason for her march, she replied, “To bring about reform between the people.”[10]

Al Zuhri has also transmitted her following statement:


إنما أريد أن يحجز بين الناس مكاني، ولم أحسب أن يكون بين الناس قتال، ولوعلمت ذلك لم أقف ذلك الموقف أبدا

I just wanted my presence to serve as a barrier between the people. I did not imagine that fighting will ensue between the people. Had I known that I would never have adopted the stance I adopted.[11]


And Ibn al ‘Arabi emphasises:


وأما خروجها إلى حرب الجمل، فما خرجت لحرب، ولكن تعلق الناس بها، وشكوا إليها ما صاروا إليه من عظيم الفتنة وتهارج الناس، ورجوا بركتها في الإصلاح، وطمعوا في الاستحياء منها إذا وقفت إلى الخلق، وظنت هي كذلك فخرجت عاملة بقول الله تعالى لَّا خَيْرَ فِي كَثِيرٍ مِّن نَّجْوَاهُمْ… الآية و

As for her march to the battle of Jamal, she had not embarked on the journey because of war, but the people clung on to her and complained to her of the graveness of the Fitnah and the of the people killing each other; they hoped to attain her blessings in bringing about reform and were desirous of the people being shy from her if she stood up to address them. She also assumed the same and thus came out practicing upon the verse: No good is there in much of their private conversation… and the verse: And if two factions amongst the believers should fight, then make settlement between the two…[12]


In conclusion, Aisha, Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhum had only set out to bring about reform and unity amongst the Muslims, to seek retribution for the murder of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu who was killed unjustly, and to elevate Islam by taking revenge from the Khawarij who considered it permissible to violate the blood of the Khalifah. As for the fighting and the battle that ensued, that was not intended by them and was not their purpose, but was something instigated by the Saba’iyyah and their riffraff followers.

In fact, ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu also set out primarily with the intention of bringing about reform and uniting the Muslims. It appears in the Tarikh of al Tabari that when ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu intended to set out to Basrah a son[13] of Rifa’ah ibn Rafi’ stood up and asked him, “O Amir al Mu’minin, what do you intend? And where are you taking us?” To which he replied saying:

أما الذي نريد وننوي فالإصلاح إن قبلوا منا وأجابونا إليه

As for what we intend, it is reform if they accept from us and respond to our call.[14]


Likewise, it is narrated via the transmission of Sayf that another person stood up to him in this journey and asked him, “What are you planning to do, O Amir al Mu’minin, when you encounter these people?” He replied:

قد بان لنا ولهم أن الإصلاح والكف أحوط، فأن تابعوا فذلك، وإن أبوا إلا القتال فصدع لا يلتئم

It has become clear to us and to them that reform and withdrawal is more precautious. If they follow and do that, then that is what we intend. And if they refuse but to fight then that is a crevice which cannot be repaired.[15]


Also, when ‘Amir ibn Matar al Shaybani[16] came to ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu from Kufah, the latter asked him about what he had left behind and the former informed. He then asked him about Abu Musa al Ash’ari radiya Llahu ‘anhu, so he replied, “If your intention is reform, Abu Musa is all for it, and if your intention is fighting, he is not the man for it.” ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu thus replied, “By Allah my intention is nothing but reform, so why does he reject my view.”[17]

And when the delegation of Kufah came to him in Dhi Qar he said to them:


يا أهل الكوفة أنتم لقيتم ملوك العجم، فعضضتم جموعهم، وقد دعوتكم لتشهدوا معنا أخواننا من أهل البصرة، فأن يرجعوا فذاك الذي نريده، وإن أبوا داويناهم بالرفق حتى يبدأونا بالظلم، ولن ندع أمرا فيه الإصلاح إلا آثرناه على ما فيه الفساد إن شاء الله.

O the people of Kufah. You have encountered the kings of the Non-Arabs and you have scattered their groups. I am inviting you to be present in the encounter with our brothers from Basrah. If they return, that is what we want, and if they refuse, we will exercise leniency with them till they initiate the oppression against us. We will not leave any matter of reform but that we will give preference to it over mayhem, if Allah wills.[18]


This was not only the opinion of ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu alone also. For it is narrated from his son Hassan that he would take an oath and say:


والله ما أردنا إلا الإصلاح

By Allah we did not intend but reform.[19]


What further enforces this is that al Ahnaf ibn Qais came and said to ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu, “If you want, I can fight with you and if you want, I can prevent four thousand swords from standing against you.” He replied, “Prevent the four thousand swords from us.”[20]

Al Ahnaf had come with six thousand fighters to join the ranks of ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu. Without a doubt, by them joining ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu, they would have brought about a very big disparity in the strength of both the parties and would lend great strength to the army of ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu. Despite that, ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu declined his offer due to him giving preference to conciliation over warfare. Had his primary intention been engaging in warfare he would not have returned such groups which came willingly to join his ranks. For besides the aforementioned, even the clans of Tay’, Asad, and Bakr ibn Wa’il had offered to be with him but he declined.[21]

To reiterate, ‘Ali, Talhah, Zubair, and Aisha radiya Llahu ‘anhum all generally did not deem anything more suitable and appropriate than conciliation and the abandonment of warfare. That is what they parted on. And this time it seems as though Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhuma were fully satisfied with the argument of ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu regarding exercising patience and not rushing in the matter of seeking retribution from the killers of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu till matters settle and the centre of the Khilafah regains its gravity whereafter justice can run its cause.

Hence, when some prominent companions of Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhuma suggested to them that they take advantage of the opportunity against ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu they replied:


إن هذا الأمر لم يكن قبل اليوم فينزل فيه قرآن ويكون فيه سنة من رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم ، وقد زعم قوم أنه لا يجوز تحريكه-أي أمر القصاص- وهو علي ومن معه، وقلنا نحن أنه لا ينبغي لنا أن نتركه ولا نؤخره، وقد قال علي: ترك هؤلاء القوم شر، وهو خير من شر منه، وقد كان يتبين لنا، وقد جاءت الأحكام بين المسلمين بإيثار أهمها منفعة وأحوطها

This matter did not occur before this day due to which the Qur’an would be revealed or the Sunnah established regarding it. A group of people have averred that it is not permissible to stir this matter (the matter of retribution), and they are ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu and those with him. And we averred that it is not suitable for us to abandon this matter and delay it. ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu said, “Leaving these people is evil, but it is better than an evil much greater than it. This has almost become clear to us, for the rulings between the Muslims are such that the most important and most prudent should be given preference.”[22]


And Abu al Jarba’,[23] one of the close associates of Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhu, said to him before the day of conciliation, “The strategy is that you send a thousand horsemen to ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu before his friends reach him.” He replied saying:


إنا لنعرف امور الحرب ولكنهم أهل دعوتنا-ديننا- وهذا أمر حدث لم يكن قبل اليوم، من لم يلق الله فيه بعذر انقطع عذره يوم القيامة، وقد فارقنا وفدهم على أمر، وأنا أرجو أن يتم لنا الصلح فأبشروا واصبروا

We are well aware of the matters of warfare, but they are the people of our campaign (Din). And this is a matter that had not happen before today; so, whoever will not meet Allah with an excuse in it will have no excuse on the Day of Judgement. Their delegation has parted from us upon a matter and I hope that conciliation will be reached, so be happy and exercise patience.[24]


And Ibn Abi Shaybah has narrated, amongst others, with his chain of transmission to al Hassan al Basri:


جاء رجل إلى الزبير فقال: أقتل لك عليا؟ قال: وكيف؟ قال: آتيه فأخبره أني معه ثم أفتك به، فقال الزبير: سمعت رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم يقول: الإيمان قيد الفتك، لا يفتك مؤمن.

A person came to Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhu and said, “Should I kill ‘Ali for you?”

He asked, “How?”

He replied, “I will come to him, inform him that I am with him and thereafter kill him deceitfully.”

Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhu thus said, “I heard Rasul Allah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam saying, “Iman has restricted deceit, and therefore a believer should not be killed deceitfully.”[25]


Likewise, it has been narrated that al A’war ibn Banan al Minqari, one of the prominent companions of ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu,[26] stood up to him on the way to Basrah and asked, “O Amir al Mu’minin, to what are you making us advance?”:



الإصلاح وإطفاء الثائرة لعل الله يجمع شمل هذه الأمة ويضع حربهم وقد أجابوا، قال: فإن لم يجيبوا؟ قال: تركناهم ما تركونا، قال: فإن لم يتركونا؟ قال: دفعناهم عن أنفسنا. قال: فهل لهم مثل ما عليهم من هذا؟ قال: نعم. وقام إليه أبو سلامة الدالاني فقال: يا أمير المؤمنين أترى لهؤلاء القوم حجة فيما طلبوا من الدم- يعني دم عثمان- إن كانوا أرادوا الله بذلك؟ قال علي: نعم، قال: وترى لك حجة بتأخيرك ذلك؟ قال: نعم، إن الشيء إذا كان لا يدرك فالحكم فيه أحوط وأعود نفعا، قال: فما حالنا وحالهم إن ابتلينا بقتال غدا؟ قال: إني أرجو أن لا يقتل أحد نقى قلبه منا ومنهم إلا أدخله الله الجنة

He replied, “To bring about reform and to extinguish the strife, probably Allah will reunite the matter of this Ummah and do away with its war if they respond.”

He asked, “If they do not respond?”

He said, “We will leave them as long as they leave us.”

He then asked, “If they do not leave us.”

He replied, “We will repel them from ourselves.”

He further asked, “So will they get the same reward as the sin that they will bear in this matter?”

He replied, “Yes.”

Thereafter, Abu Salamah al Dalani[27] stood up to him and said, “O Amir al Mu’minin do you see any evidence for these people in the retribution they are demanding (for the murder of ‘Uthman) if their primary intention in doing so is the pleasure of Allah?”

‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu said, “Yes.”

He then asked, “And do you see any evidence for yourself in delaying the seeking of retribution?”

He replied, “Yes, If a matter is unobtainable then the ruling should be based on what is most prudent and what will prove to be most beneficial.”

He further asked, “What would our status be and their status be if we are tested with fighting tomorrow?”

He replied, “I hope that no person with a clean heart will be killed from amongst us or them but that Allah will enter him into Jannat.”[28]


It is also narrated that Malik ibn Jundub al Fihri[29] approached him on this trip and asked him, “What are you going to do, O Amir al Mu’minin, if you encounter these people?”

He replied:

بان لنا ولهم أن الإصلاح والكف أحوط، فإن تابعوا فذاك، وإن أبوا إلا القتال فصدع لا يلتئم

It has become clear to us that reform and withdrawal is much more precautious. If they follow then that is what we want, and if they refuse but to fight then that is a crevice which cannot be repaired.


He further asked, “If we are tested with that, then what will the status of our men and their men who are killed be?” He replied:


من أراد الله نفعه ذلك، وكان بمنجاة

Whoever Allah wants that will benefit him and he will attain salvation.[30]


This is also just like the first narration in clearly stating that they will not be sinful. According to ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu, at most they had exercised their Ijtihad and they erred in their assessment but not to the extent that they would be sinful.

This is indeed a very profound stance from Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhuma, and it is no less in its splendidness from the stance of Amir al Mu’minin ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu. For each one of them accepted conciliation and agreed upon it, and each one of them was cautious not to shed any blood or claim the life of any Muslim.

It is not possible for an intelligent person to conclude after learning of the aforementioned narrations that the leaders of both the parties were the ones of instigated the war and ignited its fire. How would that be possible when the idea of conciliation had settled favourably in their hearts? Instead the murderers of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu and the cohorts of ‘Abdullah ibn Saba’, may they receive from Allah what they deserve, were the people who ignited its flame and intensified its fire in order to escape from the capital punishment of retribution.

Nonetheless, when the people settled in their places and they were at ease, ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu emerged and so did Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhuma. They agreed amongst themselves and spoke of the matters they differed in. They concluded that conciliation and the abandonment of war was the best solution when the matter started to now eventually clear up. They parted upon that and ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu returned to his camp and Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhuma returned to their camp. Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhuma sent for their senior companions and ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu sent for his senior companions besides those who were involved in the siege against ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu. The people thus spent that night with the notions of conciliation and wellbeing; they were not doubting that the conciliation would reach fruition. Hence, some of them would walk by the side of the others and they would visit each other, they would not talk of anything and would not intend anything besides conciliation.

As for those who instigated the Fitnah, they spent the worse possible night; for they found themselves at the precipitous of destruction. They thus sat and they consulted the entire night. One of them said: “As for Talhah and Zubair, we know their matter, and as for ‘Ali we did not know of his matter until today (this is after he announced that all the people should embark with him tomorrow besides anyone who helped in the murder of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu in any way), and the opinion of the people has become one regarding us. If they unite with ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu tomorrow then that unity will be upon shedding our blood.”[31]

Thereafter Ibn al Sawda’, ‘Abdullah ibn Saba’, spoke and said:


يا قوم إن عزكم في خلطة الناس فصانعوهم، وإذا التقى الناس غدا فانشبوا القتال، ولا تفرغوهم للنظر، فإذا من أنتم معه لا يجد بدا من أن يمتنع، ويشغل الله عليا وطلحة والزبير ومن رأى رأيهم عما تكرهون، فأبصروا الرأي وتفرقوا عليه والناس لا يشعرون.

O people, your victory is in mixing with the people so win them by friendliness. And when they meet tomorrow then cause war between them and do not allow them respite to deliberate. The result would be that those with who you will be with will find no option but to defend. Like this Allah will keep ‘Ali, Talhah and Zubair and those who think like them busy from what you dislike. They all thus saw it as a valid opinion and they parted upon it without the people realising.[32]


They concurred upon instigating a battle between them clandestinely. Hence, they marched in the darkness when it had enveloped them and because of which their neighbours did not take note of them. The Mudari thus went and marched to his Mudari brethren, the Rabi’i came out and went his Rabi’i brethren and the Yamani emerged and marched to his Yamani brethren and they attacked them and slayed them. This caused the people of Basrah and every tribe to rise to those who suddenly attacked them. Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhuma consequently came out with the notables of Mudar and sent a message to their right wing, the Rabi’ah clan, the leader of which was ‘Abdur Rahman ibn al Harith ibn Hisham, and to their left wing, the leader of which was ‘Abdur Rahman ibn ‘Attab ibn Usayd,[33] and they remained in the centre; They inquired, “What is this?” The people replied, “The people of Kufah attacked us by night.” They said, “How were we supposed to know that ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu was not going to desist till he sheds blood and desecrates the sanctity of life and that he will never listen to us.” They thereafter returned to the people of Basrah who had managed to counter attack those people till they returned them to their camp.[34]

On the other side, ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu and the people of Kufah heard a commotion, and the Saba’iyyah had placed a man close to ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu to inform him of what they wanted. Hence when he asked, “What is this?” That man said, “We were suddenly attacked by a group of people from amongst them so we repelled them.” ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu thus said to the man of his right wing, “Go to the right wing,” and he said to man of his left wing, “Go to the left wing. I knew that Talhah and Zubair would not desist till they spill blood and violate the sacredness of life and that they will never obey us.” And the Saba’iyyah were consistently adding fuel to the fire.[35]

Another narration that corroborates the aforementioned narrative is what Ibn ‘Asakir has narrated in his Tarikh:


إن عائشة طلبت من كعب بن سور أن يتقدم بكتاب الله ويدعوهم إليه، فدفعت إليه مصحفا، وأقبل القوم-الذين في عسكر علي- وإمامهم السبئية يخافون أن يجري الصلح، فاستقبلهم كعب بالمصحف، وعلي رضي الله عنه من خلفهم يزعهم وينهاهم ويأبون إلا إقداما، فرشقوه أي كعب بالنبال فسقط صريعا.

Aisha radiya Llahu ‘anha asked Ka’b ibn Sur[36] to go forward with the Book of Allah and call them to it and gave him a manuscript of the Qur’an. The people from the army of ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu came and they were headed by the Saba’iyyah who were fearing that the conciliation will reach culmination. Hence, Ka’b approached them with the Qur’an and ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu was behind them trying to scatter them and prevent them from advancing and they were refusing but to continue ahead. They thus shot Ka’b with multiple arrows which had caused him to fall dead.[37]


Likewise, Talhah radiya Llahu ‘anhu also tried to address the people when they had all thronged around him. He said, “O people will you keep quite?” But they thronged even closer as if they were upon him and did not become silent. He thus frustratingly said:


أف أف فراش نار وذبان طمع

He muttered twice, “Uff, Uff. Moths of the fire and flies of greed.”[38]


During this sad battle which did not ensue with the happiness of either of the groups of the Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum, ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu expressed his grief upon the martyrs of both sides and said:

ليتني مت قبل هذا اليوم بعشرين سنة

I wish I died twenty years before this day.[39]


And Ibn Abi Shaybah has narrated with his transmission to Habib ibn Abi Thabit[40] that ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu said on the Day of Jamal:


اللهم ليس هذا أردت، اللهم ليس هذا أردت

O Allah this is not what I intended, O Allah this is not what I intended.[41]


He also passed by Talhah radiya Llahu ‘anhu and saw him killed. He wiped the sand of his face and said:


عزيز علي أبا محمد أن أراك مجندلا تحت السماء

It is very difficult for me, O Abu Muhammad, to see you lying under the sky.


And then he said:

إلي الله أشكو عجري وبجري

To Allah I complain of my worries and griefs.[42]


Similarly, when the killer of Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhu came to him thinking that he will earn acclaim by him, he came to him with his sword and all his belongings in order to present them to Amir al Mu’minin. ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu grieved upon him immensely, held his sword in his hand and said:


طالما جلى الكرب عن وجه رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم

For a very long time did it repel hardships from the face of Rasul Allah salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam.


And he said:

بشر قاتل ابن صفية بالنار

Give tidings of hell to the killer of the son of Safiyyah.


And did not permit him to enter upon him.[43]

‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu led the funeral prayer of the deceased of both sides, i.e. the people of Basrah and the people of Kufah. He also led the funeral prayer of the members of the Quraysh tribe who were on either side and were both from Madinah and Makkah. He thereafter got their bodies buried in a huge grave.[44]

Furthermore, al Harith[45] has narrated in his Musnad from Sulaiman ibn Surad radiya Llahu ‘anhu the following:


جئت إلى الحسن فقلت، اعذرني عند أمير المؤمنين حيث لم أحضر الوقعة-يعني الجمل- فقال الحسن: ما يصنع بهذا، لقد رأيته يلوذ وهو يقول: يا حسن، ليتني مت قبل هذا بعشرين سنة

I came to Hassan and said, “Please present my excuse to Amir al Mu’minin for I did not participate in the event,” referring to Jamal.

Hassan said, “What will he do with this. I saw him holding on to me and saying, “O Hassan, I wish I died twenty years before this.”[46]


Aisha radiya Llahu ‘anha also would cry till her head scarf would become wet when she would read the verse:


وَقَرْنَ فِيْ بُيُوْتِكُنَّ

And remain in your homes.[47]

And whenever she would mention the Battle of Jamal she would say:

وددت أني كنت جلست كما جلس أصحابي

I wish that I sat (at home) like how my companions sat.[48]


And in the narration of Ibn Abi Shaybah she is reported to have said:


وددت أني كنت غصنا رطبا ولم أسر مسيري هذا

I wish I was a fresh branch and that I did not set out on this trip of mine.[49]


It is worth noting that the influence of the Saba’iyyah in instigating the Battle of Jamal is something that is agreed upon by almost all historians and scholars. This is irrespective of whether they have dubbed them ‘the riffraff’, ‘the mischief makers’, the ‘simpletons’, ‘the people of base desires’, ‘the killers of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu, or even clearly stating that they were ‘the Saba’iyyah.”

These are some statements which emphasise this:

It appears in Akhbar al Basrah of Ibn Shabbah that those to whom the murder of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu was attributed feared that the two groups will agree upon killing them in retribution, and thus they caused the war between them whereafter whatever happened happened.[50]

And Ya’qub ibn Sufyan al Fasawi narrates from ‘Amr ibn Ja’wan:[51]


لما التقوا قام كعب بن سور ومعه المصحف ينشدهم الله والإسلام، فلم ينشب أن قتل

When they confronted each other Ka’b ibn Sur stood up with the Qur’an and pleaded to the people with the name of Allah and Islam. But he was soon killed thereafter.[52]


And in the narration of al Tabari and Ibn ‘Asakir it appears that the Saba’iyyah showered their arrows upon him and killed him.[53]

And al Tahawi said:

فجرت فتنة الجمل على غير اختيار من علي ولا من طلحة والزبير، وإنما أثارها المفسدون بغير اختيارالسابقين

The fitnah of Jamal occurred without the choice of ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu or the choice of Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhuma. The mischief makers instigated the battle without the choice of the forerunners of Islam.[54]


And al Baqillani says:


وقال جلة من أهل العلم أن الوقعة بالبصرة بينهم كانت على غير عزيمة على الحرب بل فجأة، وعلى سبيل دفع كل واحد من الفريقين عن أنفسهم لظنه أن الفريق الآخر قد غدر به، لأن الأمر كان قد انتظم بينهم وتم الصلح والتفرق على الرضا، فخاف قتلة عثمان من التمكن منهم والإحاطة بهم، فاجتمعوا وتشاوروا واختلفوا، ثم اتفقت آراؤهم على أن يفترقوا فرقتين ويبدأوا بالحرب سحرة في العسكرين ويختلطوا، ويصيح الفريق الذي في عسكر علي، غدر طلحة والزبير، ويصيح الفريق الآخر الذي في عسكر طلحة والزبير غدر علي، فتم لهم ذلك على ما دبروه، ونشبت الحرب، فكان كل فريق منمه دافعا لمكروه عن نفسه ومانعا من الإشاطة بدمه، وهذا صواب من الفريقين وطاعة لله تعالى إذ وقع، والامتناع منهم على هذا السبيل، فهذا هو السبيل المشهور، وإليه نميل وبه نقول.

Senior scholars of knowledge have stated that the event which occurred between them in Basrah was without them intending any war, it happened suddenly. And it happened due to each party defending itself after assuming that the opposite party betrayed it, for the matter between them had settled and conciliation was reached and they had parted with happiness. Hence, the murderers of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu feared that they will be surrounded and apprehended and thus they gathered and consulted and debated the matter. Thereafter they agreed that they will part into two groups and start the war at the break of dawn between the two armies; they decided that they will mix with the people, and the group which will be in the camp of ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu will shout, “Talhah and Zubair have betrayed,” and the group which will be in the camp of Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhuma will say, “‘Ali betrayed.” This was accomplished according to what they planned and the battle was fuelled. Hence, each group was repelling evil from itself and protecting against its blood being shed. This was the correct thing to do for both the groups and was obedience to Allah after this had suddenly occurred. They had defended themselves on this basis. This is the correct and the popular position. This is the view to which we incline and what we hold.[55]


And al Qadi ‘Abdul Jabbar[56] cited the statements of the scholars regarding ‘Ali, Talhah, Zubair and Aisha radiya Llahu ‘anhum concurring upon conciliation, discarding warfare and entertaining deliberation in the matter; and that those who were in the camp from the enemies of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu despised that and feared that the entire group will now be free to deal with them. Hence, they planned to dismiss the good and were successful in doing so.[57]

And Abu Bakr ibn al ‘Arabi says:


وقدم علي البصرة، وتدانوا ليتراءوا، فلم يتركهم أصحاب الأهواء، وبادروا بإراقة الدماء، اشتجر الحرب، وكثرت الغوغاء على البوغاء، كل ذلك حتى لا يقع برهان، ولا يقف الحال على بيان، ويخفى قتلة عثمان، وإن واحدا في الجيش يفسد تدبيره، فكيف بألف.

‘Ali came to Basrah and they came close in order to see each other, but the people of deviance did not leave them and they hastened to shedding blood. The war erupted between them and the riffraff dominated upon the land. All of this was so that evidence does not occur, and so that the condition not be dependent upon any clarification, and so that the murderers of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu remain covered. One person in the army is able to disrupt its strategizing, so what would the influence of a thousand be?[58]


And Ibn Hazm says:


وبرهان ذلك أنهم اجتمعوا ولم يقتتلوا ولا تحاربوا، فلما كان الليل عرف قتلة عثمان أن الإراغة والتدبير عليهم، فبيتوا عسكر طلحة والزبير وبذلوا السيف فيهم، فدفع القوم عن أنفسهم في دعوى حتى خالطوا عسكر علي، فدفع أهله عن أنفسهم، وكل طائفة تظن ولا شك أن الأخرى بدأتها القتال، واختلط الأمر اختلاطا، لم يقدر أحد على أكثر من الدفاع عن نفسه، والفسقة من قتلة عثمان لا يفترون من شن الحرب وإضرامه، فكلتا الطائفتين مصيبة في غرضها ومقصدها، مدافعة عن نفسها، ورجع الزبير وترك الحرب بحالها، وأتى طلحة سهم غرب، وهو قائم لا يدري حقيقة ذلك الاختلاط، فصادف جرحا في ساقه كان أصابه يوم أحد بين يدي رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم، فانصرف ومات من وقته، وقتل الزبير بوادي السباع بعد انسحابه من المعركة على أقل من يوم من البصرة، فهكذا كان الأمر.

The evidence of this is that they gathered and did not kill each other or fight. When night dawned upon them the murderers of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu realised that the planning and strategizing was against them. They, thus, attacked the camp of Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhuma by night and struck the sword upon them. As a result, the people were compelled to defend themselves till eventually they mixed into the camp of ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu. This caused the people of his camp to defend themselves. Each group was assuming that the other was surely the one who initiated the fight and the matter became extremely confusing; no person was able to do anything more than defend himself. And the killers of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu did not slacken at all in inducing the war and igniting it. So each of the two factions was correct in its objective which was to defend itself. Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhu returned and left the war as it was. A stray arrow came to Talhah radiya Llahu ‘anhu whilst he was standing and was unaware of the reality of the encounter. It struck a wound which he had sustained in the battle of Uhud whilst defending Nabi salla Llahu ‘alayhi wa sallam. He thus tried to leave but died immediately. Zubair was killed in Wadi al Siba’ after he had left the battle, a place situated at less than a day’s distance from Basrah. This is how things had unfolded.[59]


And Ibn ‘Asakir has cited that the Saba’iyyah were in the vanguard of the army and were refusing but to advance and fuel the war, fearing that conciliation might transpire.[60]

And Ibn al Athir says in his Tarikh:


كان من رأيهم جميعا أي الصحابة في تلك الفتنة ان لا يقتتلوا حتى يبدأوا، يطلبون بذلك الحجة، وأن لا يقتلوا مدبرا، ولا يجهزوا على جريح، ولا يستحلوا سلبا

It was the opinion of all the Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum in that Fitnah that they will not fight unless the fight is initiated against them, they will not kill a fleeing person, they will not kill a wounded person and they will not consider any spoils to be lawful (for themselves).”[61]


And al Dhahabi states that both the groups had united and ‘Ali and Talhah radiya Llahu ‘anhuma had no intention of fighting. But the riffraff of both the groups targeted each other with arrows.[62]

And another narration states, “The foolish of both the groups… And the war erupted and the hearts revolted.”[63] He likewise emphasises in Duwal al Islam saying:


والتحم القتال من الغوغاء وخرج الأمر عن علي وطلحة والزبير

The fight intensified from the side of the riffraff and the matter no more remained in the control of ‘Ali, Talhah and Zubair radiya Llahu ‘anhum.[64]


It would be justified to say after all of this: what is the obstacle from considering the narration of al Tabari and others which emphatically mention the Saba’iyyah and the role they played in the Battle of Jamal as explanatory for the other narrations which are general.

Likewise, what prevents us from thinking that there was a connection between the riffraff and the Saba’iyyah, even though their objectives were different to those of the Saba’iyyah. Probably they had induced a platform which the Saba’iyyah exploited to give rise to confusion and to instigate the war. This is usually the case in the movements and campaigns of the riffraff which are normally hijacked and exploited by the mischievous people.

Ibn Kathir says in al Bidayah:


وعندما أشرف علي من جهة، وطلحة والزبير وعائشة من جهة أخرى على الصلح، وبعدما نادى على بأنه مرتحل فلا يرتحل معه أحد أعان على قتل عثمان، اجتمع رؤوس الخوارج كالأشتر النخعي، وشريح بن أوفى، وسالم بن ثعلبة، ومعهم زعيم السبئية عبد الله بن سبأ المعروف بابن السوداء، وباتوا يتشاورون فانتهى أمرهم إلى الأخذ برأي ابن سبأ، وهو أن يثيروا الحرب بين العسكرين في الغلس

When ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu on the one hand and Talhah, Zubair and Aisha radiya Llahu ‘anha on the other hand were almost about to reach conciliation, and after ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu announced that he was going to travel and that no one who helped in the murder of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu should travel with him, the heads of the Khawarij, like al Ashtar al Nakha’i, Shurayh ibn Awfa, Salim ibn Tha’labah and the leader of the Saba’iyyah ‘Abdullah ibn Saba’, who was known as Ibn al Sawda’, gathered. They spent the night in consultation and eventually their matter ended with adopting the opinion of Ibn Saba’, which was to instigate the war between the two armies in the darkness of dawn.[65]


This is how the Saba’iyyah actively participated in the fight. Their primary function was to fuel the fire of the war whenever they sensed its flame burning out. They would advance toward the front when they would sense the people slackening and they would attack. Then when the fires fumed, they would become elated and would refuse but to advance. This is what they had did till the end of the Battle of Jamal. This conspiring group was advantaged because it had infiltrated the ranks of the Ummah and it was pushed by the idea that the unity of the ummah will claim their sinful heads.

The influence of the Saba’iyyah did not end at the Battle of Jamal, rather their role in causing upheaval continued thereafter as well. Hence, when ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu got done with the Battle of Jamal he analysed the national treasury of Basrah and found that it contained six hundred thousand and some odd Dirhams. He thus distributed it upon those who were present with him in the battle; every person got five hundred. He then said:


لكم إن أظفركم الله بالشام مثلها إلى أعطياتكم

I promise you, if Allah grants you victory over the people of Sham, the like of it added to your bonuses.


The Saba’iyyah delved into that as well, and they criticised ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu behind his back.[66]

In this manner, we find that the Saba’iyyah were with ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu outwardly, and that only because they believed that they could exploit him and benefit from him in fulfilling their objective regarding their specific viewpoint. But they learnt that he was averse to their viewpoint, was challenging them in their approach, and was not approving of what they were adopting. The matter of ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu, thus, perturbed them and infuriated them. But they did not muster the courage of revolting against him openly and rather chose to remain silent, conceal their acrimony toward him and worked against him secretly. They had done so by spreading propaganda between his followers and causing disunity amongst them.

The Saba’iyyah did not deem it fit to remain in Basrah for very long after the battle and thus they quickly left before ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu, as is stated by al Tabari. ‘Ali radiya Llahu ‘anhu picked up their motive and realised that they were opposing him. He thus set out behind them in order to put an end to any plan which they probably might be trying to hatch.[67]

From the aforementioned discourse the role that Ibn Saba’ and his followers played in the Battle of Jamal becomes abundantly clear; their role was not confined to instigating the first Fitnah which eventually led to the murder of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu, but they played a very pivotal role in the second fitnah which arose as the aftermath of the murder of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu, and which resulted in the worst of results for the unity of the Muslims and their central authority.

It is also clear without a doubt that the Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum were eager to bring about reform and unity. This is the truth which is conveyed by the historical reports and traditions and is also backed by reason and sound disposition.


NEXT⇒ Module Two: Seeking retribution from the murderers of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu and the stance of the Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum. – Section One: The Stance of those who were Seeking Retribution for the Blood of ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu from amongst the Sahabah radiya Llahu ‘anhum

[1] Al Tabari: Tarikh al Rusul, 4/488.

[2] Ibid. 4/461.

[3] Ibid. 4/450-451.

[4] A place on the way to Basrah, it was a water place of the Arabs. See: Yaqut: Mujam al Buldan, 2/314.

The hadith of Hawʾab is as follows, “Which of you will be the one at who the dogs of Hawʾab will bark?” Ibn Kathir has stated that its chain of transmission matches the authenticity criterion of the Sahihayn but they have not cited it. See: al Bidayah wa al Nihayah, 6/241. Al Dhahabi said, “The transmission of this hadith is Sahih but they did not cite it.” See: Siyar A’lam al Nubalaʾ, 2/125. And Ibn Hajr said, “This hadith has been cited by Ahmed, Abu Ya’la, and al Bazzar, and Ibn Hibban and al Hakim have deemed it Sahih, and its transmission meets the requirement of Sahih.” See: al Fath, 13/55. Whoever has deemed this hadith weak has erred.

[5] Ibn Abi Shaybah: al Musannaf, 15/260.

[6] Ibn ‘Asakir: Tarikh Dimashq (with the arrangement of Badran), 5/368; Ibn Kathir: al Bidayah wa al Nihayah, 7/242.

[7] Al Tabari: Tarikh al Rusul, 4/462.

[8] Ibn Hibban: al Thiqat, 2/282.

[9] Ibn al ‘Imad al Hanbali: Shadharat al Dhahab, 1/42.

[10] Al Tabari: Tarikh al Rusul, 4/488.

[11] Al Zuhri: al Maghazi, p.154.

[12] Ibn al ‘Arabi: Ahkam al Qurʾan, 3/1536.

[13] The narrator did not name him. However, Rifa’ah, a veteran of Badr, had two sons: ‘Ubaid and Muaz. See: al Tahdhib.

[14] Al Tabari: Tarikh al Rusul, 4/471.

[15] Al Baqillani: al Tamhid fi al Radd ‘ala al Mulhidah, p. 237.

[16] One of the notables of Kufah. Abu Hatim said regarding him, “A man who enjoyed stature amongst the Muslims. He heard from Ibn Mas’ud and al Sha’bi narrated from him.” See: Ibn Sa’d: al Tabaqat, 6/121; Ibn Abi Hatim: al Jarh wa al Ta’dil, 6/328.

[17] Al Tabari: Tarikh al Rusul, 4/480.

[18] Ibn Kathir: al Bidayah, 7/258.

[19] Al Tabari: Tarikh al Rusul, 4/483.

[20] Ibid. 4/500, 501.

[21] Ibid. 4/478-481.

[22] Tarikh al Rusul, 4/475.

[23] ‘Asim ibn al Dalaf, one of the Banu Ghaylan ibn Malik ibn ‘Amr ibn Tamim. He oversaw the placing of people into various locations in Basrah when it was founded. See: al Tabari: Tarikh al Rusul, 3/593; 4/44.

[24] Tarikh al Rusul, 4/44.

[25] Ibn Abi Shaybah: al Musannaf, 15/279; Musnad Ahmed, 1/166-167; ‘Abdur Razzaq: al Musannaf: chapter on the Jihad of women and killing and deceitfully murdering, 5/299. There is a corroborative narration of Abu Hurairah radiya Llahu ‘anhu which appears in Sunan Abi Dawood: chapter of Jihad: sub-chapter regarding the enemy being attacked without their knowledge, 3/87. Sheikh Shu’ayb al Arnaʾut (the annotator of Siyar A’lam al Nubalaʾ) has said, “Its men are authentic and the hadith is Sahih.” See: 1/57, 58. Al Albani has also deemed the narration of Abu Hurairah Sahih in his Sahih Sunan Abi Dawood, 2/4533: hadith no. 2407.

[26] Did not come across his biography in the references I have at my disposal.

[27] Did not come across his biography in the references I have at my disposal.

[28] Al Tabari: Tarikh al Rusul, 4/495,496.

[29] Did not come across his biography in the references I have at my disposal.

[30] Al Tabari: Tarikh al Rusul, 4/496.

[31] Al Tabari: Tarikh al Rusul, 4/493, 505, 506.

[32] Ibid. 4/494.

[33] Did not come across his biography in the reference I have at my disposal.

[34] Ibid. 4/494.

[35] Al Tabari: Tarikh al Rusul, 4, 507; Ibn al Athir: al Kamil, 3/242.

[36] Ka’b ibn Sur al Azdi. From the senior Tabi’in and the noblemen of his time. ‘Umar radiya Llahu ‘anhu had sent him as the judge of the Basrah and ‘Uthman radiya Llahu ‘anhu had retained him in his position. He came out in the battle of Jamal between the two factions in an endeavour to admonish them and invite them to peach and in the process was killed. See: Akhbar al Qudat, 1/274; Ibn Sa’d: al Tabaqat, 7/ 91; Khalifah: al Tabaqat, p. 201; Ibn Hajr: al Isabah, 3/315.

[37] Ibn ‘Asakir: Tarikh Dimashq (with the refinement of Badran), 7/88.

[38] Khalifah: al Tarikh, p. 182.

[39] Ibn Abi Shaybah: Musannaf, 15/282. Al Haythami in his Majma’, 9/150 has deemed its transmission good.

[40] Habib ibn Abi Thabit, Qais ibn Dinar, Abu Yahya al Kufi al Asadi. From the reliable Tabi’in. Al ‘Ijli said, “A reliable Tabi’i from Kufah.” And Ibn Ma’in said, “Authority.” And al Nasaʾi said. “Reliable.” And Abu Hatim said, “Truthful and reliable.” And al Tabari has made enlisted him in the categories of jurists. See: Ibn Ma’in: al Tarikh, 2/96; al ‘Ijli: Tarikh al Thiqat, p. 105; Ibn Abi Hatim: al Jarh wa al Ta’dil, 3/107; al Dhahabi: al Mizan, 1/105; Ibn Hajr: al Tahdhib, 2/178.

[41] Ibn Abi Shaybah: Musannaf, 15/275.

[42] Ibn ‘Asakir: Tarikh Dimashq (with the refinement of Badran), 7/89; Ibn al Athir: Usd al Ghabah, 3/88-89.

[43] Ibn Sa’d: al Tabaqat, 3/105; Ahmed: Fadaʾil al Sahabah, 2/737, the annotator has deemed it Hassan; al Fasawi in his Tarikh, 2/816.

[44] Al Tabari: Tarikh al Rusul, 4/538.

[45] Al Harith ibn Muhammad ibn Abi Usamah, Abu Muhammad al Tamimi al Baghdadi. The scholar and the great retainer of hadith. The compiler of the famous Musnad. Ibn Hibban has made mention of him in his al Thiqat. And al Daraqutni has said, “Truthful.” Ibrahim al Harbi has deemed him reliable and al Dhahabi has said regarding him, “There is no problem with the men and his narrations are ok.” He said this commenting upon al Azdi who deemed him weak. He passed away in 282 A.H. /895 A.H. See: al Khatib: Tarikh Baghdad, 8/218; Ibn al Jawzi: al Muntazam, 5/155; al Dhahabi: Siyar A’lam al Nubalaʾ, 13/388; al Tadhkirah, 2/619.

[46] Ibn Hajr: al Matalib al ‘Aliyah, 4/302. He said that al Busiri said that its narrators are reliable.

[47] Surah al Ahzab: 33. The narration appears in: al Dhahabi: Siyar A’lam al Nubalaʾ, 2/142.

[48] Al Haythami: Majma’ al Zawaʾid, 7/238.

[49] Ibn Abi Shaybah: al Musannaf, 15/281.

[50] Ibn Hajr: al Fath, 13/56.

[51] ‘Amr ibn Jaʾwan al Tamimi al Sa’di al Basri. ‘Ali ibn ‘Asim said, “I asked Hussain about ‘Amr ibn Jaʾwan. He replied, “He is a scholar who accompanied me on a ship.” Ibn Hibban has mentioned him in his al Thiqat, and al Dhahabi has stated that he is reliable. See: al Bukhari: al Tarikh al Kabir, 3/2/146; Ibn Abi Hatim: al Jarh wa al Ta’dil, 6/101; al Dhahabi: al Kashif, 2/281; Ibn Hajr: al Tahdhib, 8/12.

[52] Al Fasawi: al Ma’rifah wa al Tarikh, 3/312.

[53] Al Tabari: Tarikh al Rusul, 4/513; Ibn ‘Asakir: Tarikh Dimashq (with the refinement of Badran), 7/88.

[54] Al Tahawi: Sharh al ‘Aqidah al Tahawiyyah, p. 456.

[55] Al Baqillani: al Tamhid fi al Radd ‘ala al Mulhidah, p. 233.

[56] ‘Abdul Jabbar ibn Ahmed al Hamdani al Asadʾabadi, Abu al Hassan al Qadi al Shafi’i. He was from the scholars of the principles of Shari’ah, theology and Qurʾanic exegesis. He was the supreme scholar of the Mu’tazilah in his time. He presided over the court of Ray. He passed away in 425 A.H/1025 A.H. Some of his books are: Tanzih al Qurʾan ‘an al Mata’in, Tathbit Dalaʾil al Nubuwwah, al Mughni fi Abwab al Tawhid wa al ‘Adl. See: al Khatib: Tarikh Baghdad, 11/113; al Subki: Tabaqat al Shafi’iyyah, 3/219; al Dhahabi: Siyar A’lam al Nubalaʾ, 17/244; Ibn al Murtada: Tabaqat al Mu’tazilah, p. 112; Ibn Hajr: Lisan al Mizan, 3/386

[57] Al Hamdani: Tathbit Dalaʾil al Nubuwwah, p. 299.

[58] Ibn al ‘Arabi: al ‘Awasim, p. 156-157.

[59] Ibn Hazm: al Fisal fi al Milal wa al Nihal, 4/157-158.

[60] Ibn ‘Asakir: Tarikh Dimashq (refinement of Badran), 7/88.

[61] Ibn al Athir: al Kamil, 3/242, 243.

[62] Al Dhahabi: al ‘Ibar, 1/37.

[63] Al Dhahabi: Tarikh al Islam, 2/149.

[64] Al Dhahabi: Duwal al Islam, 1/15.

[65] Ibn Kathir: al Bidayah, 7/239-240.

[66] Al Tabari: Tarikh al Rusul, 4/541.

[67] Ibid. 4/544.

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